[I’ve been holding on to
this article since it came out last winter.
I knew I wanted to post it because it’s such a volatile subject, and this
is extraordinary coverage of it. It’s
also an apt topic to contemplate in these times particularly because it about the
very thing that made this country break away from Great Britain almost 250
years ago.
[I’m talking about the freedom of speech and the freedom of thought—the freedoms enumerated in the First Amendment. As readers of Rick On Theater will know by now, I consider myself pretty nearly a First Amendment absolutist. But 75 years ago, during the Second Red Scare, this country’s government and some of its citizens took it upon themselves to punish people for what they thought.
[If that wasn’t bad enough, often those who made it their business to root our people who had ideas different from their own did so with no real evidence—where have we heard that recently?—and when there wasn’t proof, then innuendo and lies were thrown about.
[I’m talking, of course, about the Hollywood blacklist. People’s lives were destroyed. Some people, including innocent people, died. All because one group of people decided that anyone who doesn’t think, act, or believe they way they do must be rooted out. To hell with the First Amendment! We don’t need that—it just gets in the way of real America.
[So, let’s take a look again at what happened back in the mid-1940s to the mid-1950s. Let’s see how close we are now to repeating one of the darkest periods in our history. And for full disclosure, I’ll bit that I was around during all this—but the blacklist became about six months before I was born and reached its peak when I was between 6 and 10. (I’m old, but I’m not that old!)]
“‘UN-AMERICAN’:
THEATRE ARTISTS
vs. THE 1950s BLACKLIST”
by Mary B. Robinson
[This article was published in the SDC Journal 14.1 (Winter 2026), the membership publication of the Stage Directors and Choreographers Society. It’s posted online, or through the SDC website.]
Long before the phrase “witch-hunting” became a president’s attempt to tarnish investigations into his own acts, it was the title of a chapter of director Margaret Webster’s [1905-72; American-British theater actress, producer, and director] autobiography Don’t Put Your Daughter on the Stage [A. A. Knopf, 1972]. Webster [1905-72; American-British theater actress, producer, and director] was a victim of the 1950s blacklist, the systematic destruction of people’s livelihoods brought on by the federal government’s pursuit of alleged Communists in the United States. It caused irreparable harm to the professional and personal lives of many Americans, including a number of directors and choreographers, as well as other theatre artists.
Twenty years later, Webster wrote that what happened in the 1950s “now seems so utterly incredible,” but she was convinced that “we need to be reminded that, incredible or no, it could happen again.” She foresaw that cruel and dangerous government overreach could again be tolerated by much of the public “under the same pressures of insecurity, ambition, hatred, and above all––fear; always, and on both sides, fear.”
More than 50 years after she wrote those words of warning, it feels important in our own time to re-examine these past events from the perspective of our theatrical predecessors: directors, choreographers, and other theatre artists of the mid-twentieth century. What did they do when they were confronted with state sanctioned persecution? What compromises of their own values were some of them willing to make, while others refused to comply––and why? And how can this dangerous era in our nation’s history illuminate what we might do in our own time––one that has echoes of the 1950s but is unquestionably much worse?
AFRAID OF THINKING PEOPLE
The public’s fear of Communists that certain politicians exploited in the late 1940s and early 1950s was fueled by the existential terrors of the atomic bomb and the Soviet Union’s acquisition of it. The Communist Party USA, which had been the hope of many progressives during the unemployment and deprivation of the Great Depression [1929-39], had, for much of the country, acquired a much more sinister cast because of the arms race. The Soviet Union was now our Cold War enemy with the capacity to wipe us out, rather than the World War II ally it had been a decade earlier. And in much the same way that certain fears of the public are exploited today, ambitious politicians manipulated people’s fear of Communists for their own self-interest. Congressman Richard Nixon’s career took off with his dogged pursuit of supposed Soviet spies in the late 1940s, while Senator Joseph McCarthy grabbed the limelight in 1950 when he claimed there were hundreds of Communists working in the State Department.
[The nuclear arms race (1949-91) was the Cold War competition for supremacy in nuclear weaponry between the United States and the Soviet Union.
[Richard Nixon (1913-94), a staunch anti-communist, was the 37th President of the United States, serving from 1969 until his resignation in 1974. He was Representative from California from 1947 to 1950, then Senator from 1950 to 1953. Nixon served as Vice President of the United States under Dwight Eisenhower (1890-1969) from 1953 to 1961, and then was the Republican nominee for president in 1960, losing to Democrat John F. Kennedy (1917-63; 35th President of the United States: 1961-63).
[Joseph R. McCarthy (1908-57) was Republican U.S. Senator from Wisconsin from 1947 to 1957 (his death). He was Chairman of the Senate Committee on Government Operations (1953-55) and Chairman of the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations (1953-54). The latter was the Senate’s counterpart to the House’s Committee on Un-American Activities. McCarthy exploited the “Red Scare” (1947-59), giving rise to the term “McCarthyism” to describe his tactics and rhetoric.]
But in truth, certain members of the federal government who hated Roosevelt’s New Deal (with its “socialist” programs like Social Security) had always seen Communism as a threat––or at least as a tool that could be used to stir the American public’s anxieties and further their own ambitions. The House Committee on Un-American Activities, or HUAC, was first proposed in 1934 to investigate the dissemination of Nazi propaganda in the U.S., but it wasn’t until Communism was added as another “un-American” element whose proponents should be investigated that HUAC came into being in 1938. Even at the time, it was recognized that the term was vague and subjective: as one liberal congressman put it, “un-American is simply something that somebody else does not agree to.” Other organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan were suggested as additional targets for HUAC’s investigations, but that idea was dismissed by a Southern congressman who stated that the Klan was a thoroughly American institution.
[Franklin D. Roosevelt (known as “FDR”; 1882-1945; 32nd President of the United States: 1933-1945) initiated unprecedented federal legislation during his first 100 days as president to implement the New Deal, a 1933-38 series of federal programs, public work projects, and financial regulations in response to the Depression, focusing on relief, recovery, and reform.
[Among these programs was the Works Progress Administration (WPA; 1935-43), which supervised the construction of bridges, libraries, parks, and other facilities, while also investing in the arts. The arts programs were the Federal Writers' Project (FWP; 1935-43), the Historical Records Survey (HRS; 1935-43), the Federal Theatre Project (FTP; 1935-39), the Federal Music Project (FMP; 1935-43), and the Federal Art Project (FAP; 1935-43).]
HUAC’s first chairman [1938-44], Congressman Martin Dies [pronounced to rhyme with “skies”; 1900-72] of Texas [1931-45; 1953-59], was a racist, anti-immigrant, anti-labor politician who decided that his committee’s first target would be the Federal Theatre Project, which had been created by Roosevelt’s Works Progress Administration in 1935 to put theatremakers back to work during the Depression. Directed by Vassar theatre professor Hallie Flanagan [1890-1969; American theatrical producer and director, playwright, and author], the Federal Theatre Project employed between 8,000 and 12,000 people at any given time and went far beyond its mandate of combating unemployment. It created the first network of regional theatres across the country, attracted an audience of 30 million people (two-thirds of whom had never seen a play before), and charged no admission for most of its productions.
The work of the Federal Theatre Project spoke to those audiences with immediacy and urgency about matters that affected their own lives. It commissioned new plays such as It Can’t Happen Here [adapted in 1936 into a play by Sinclair Lewis (1885-1951) and John C. Moffitt (1901-69)], a cautionary tale about the rise of American Fascism adapted from the [1935] Sinclair Lewis novel; staged classics in ways that highlighted their relevance to contemporary issues; and created a brand-new theatrical form in the Living Newspaper, an early kind of docudrama that explored current events. It bucked the norms of segregation in the South when it integrated both casts and audiences, and it created many Black theatre units in large and small cities around the country.
[Living Newspapers were nonfiction performances in revue format—realistic, current, relevant—and the topics were always recent. The Living Newspapers frequently dramatized social issues of the day such as unemployment and the housing shortage, and often implicitly or explicitly urged social action, so controversy over their politics contributed to the disbanding of the FTP in 1939.
[The FTP is the subject of my post “The Federal Theatre Project (1935-1939)” (30 October 2024), and there’s some discussion of Living Newspapers in “America’s War on Theater” by Daniel Blank in “America's Culture War—Now at Your Local Theater” (25 October 2024).]
There is no doubt that some of the thousands of theatremakers who worked for the Federal Theatre Project were members of the Communist Party. (So were several members of the Group Theatre, the other notable American theatre experiment in the 1930s, including playwright Clifford Odets [1906-63; playwright, screenwriter, and actor], the success of whose plays Waiting for Lefty [debut: 6 January 1935; Broadway: 26 March 1935, Group Theatre], Awake and Sing! [premiere: 19 February 1935, Group Theatre], and Golden Boy [premiere: 4 November 1937, Group Theatre] gradually propelled him and a number of Group Theatre actors toward the more lucrative film industry.) But the Communist Party was not illegal in the U.S. in the 1930s, and it was for many the only political party that was squarely on the right side of many important issues, including racial justice.
[The Communist Party USA (CPUSA) was declared illegal by the Communist Control Act of 1954 which criminalized membership in the CPUSA. The act has never been used for mass arrests, however, and portions were later dismantled or found unconstitutional by courts, but it remains a federal law on the books. Because of the First Amendment, the Department of Justice never fully enforced it, and no one has ever successfully been prosecuted under it.
[Ironically, the Nazi Party has never been made illegal in the United States. American Nazi groups have, however, faced intense government surveillance and public backlash. (The American Nazi Party [ANP] was founded in 1959. It was renamed the National Socialist White People’s Party [NSWPP] in 1967, but it still exists.)]
Hallie Flanagan was not charged with being a member of the Communist Party herself, but with letting Communists infiltrate the Federal Theatre Project and producing radical plays. Called before HUAC in December 1938, she caught her accusers off guard with her opening statement that the Federal Theatre was in the business of “combating un-American inactivity”––i.e., unemployment among theatre professionals––and her use of the term “Marlowesque,” which elicited this memorable exchange:
Congressman [Joe] Starnes [1895-1962; U.S. Representative from Alabama: 1935-45]: You are quoting from this Marlowe. Is he a Communist?
Flanagan: I was quoting from Christopher Marlowe [1564-93; English playwright, poet, and translator].
Starnes: Tell us who Marlowe is, so we can get the proper reference, because that is all that we want to do.
When Flanagan clarified that she was speaking about an Elizabethan playwright, an embarrassed Starnes stated that all drama, going back to the Greeks, was about social conflict and therefore inherently Communist. “Mr. Euripides was guilty of teaching class consciousness,” he declared.
But though Hallie Flanagan may have had the upper hand during her congressional hearing, the mere charge of Communist infiltration was enough to turn public opinion against the Federal Theatre Project, and Congress voted to stop its funding and end its existence in June 1939.
In an op-ed for the New York Times after its demise, Flanagan wrote that her congressional adversaries “were afraid of the Federal Theatre because it was educating the people to know more about government and politics and such vital issues of the day as housing, power, agriculture and labor. . . [.] They are afraid, and rightly so, of thinking people” [“Congress Takes The Stage,” Sec. 9 (Drama, Screen, Music, Dance, Art, Radio), 20 August 1939] And a further reason HUAC wanted to get rid of the Federal Theatre, she maintained, was because “it gave Negro actors as well as white actors a chance [for employment].”
After four years of astounding productivity, the Federal Theatre Project was dead, never to be revived––and at least 8,000 theatremakers were immediately put out of work. But Flanagan believed that its brief existence had made the creation of some kind of national theatre inevitable. “Not even an act of Congress can kill an idea,” she stated.
ARTIST-HATING BRUTALITY
HUAC’s crusade against Communism was briefly suspended during the World War II alliance between the Soviet Union and the United States, but it picked up again with a vengeance when the Cold War began. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover [1895-1972; first Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation: 1935-72] appeared before the Committee in early 1947 and declared that the Communist Party in the U.S. “is far better organized than were the Nazis in occupied countries prior to their capitulation. They are seeking to weaken America just as they did in the era of obstruction when they were aligned with Nazis. Their goal is the overthrow of our government.”
“With the tiniest Communist Party in the world,” playwright Arthur Miller [1915-2005; playwright and essayist] countered in his memoir Timebends [Grove Press, 1987], “the United States was behaving as though on the verge of bloody revolution.” And once again, HUAC went after the performing arts with the full force of what Miller termed its “artist-hating brutality.”
In October 1947, more than 40 people in the film industry received subpoenas to appear before HUAC. Eight writers and two directors refused to testify when they showed up at their hearings; instead, they used their committee appearances to publicly denounce HUAC, with some comparing its methods to those used in Nazi Germany. The “Hollywood Ten” were each fined $1,000 [worth $15,000 in 2026] for contempt of Congress and sentenced to a year in prison. Three years later, when they had exhausted all possible legal appeals after the Supreme Court refused to hear their case, they began to serve their time.
[The Hollywood Ten, ten left-wing screenwriters and directors cited for contempt of Congress for refusing to answer questions before HUAC, were Alvah Bessie (1904-85; novelist, screenwriter, and journalist), Herbert Biberman (1900-71; screenwriter and film director), Lester Cole (1904-85; screenwriter), Edward Dmytryk (1908-99; Canadian-born American film director and editor), Ring Lardner, Jr. (1915- 2000; screenwriter and novelist), John Howard Lawson (1894-1977; playwright, screenwriter, arts critic, and cultural historian), Albert Maltz (1908-85; playwright, fiction writer and screenwriter), Samuel Ornitz (1890-1957; screenwriter and novelist), Adrian Scott (1911-72; screenwriter and film producer), and Dalton Trumbo (190576; screenwriter).]
While in prison, director Edward Dmytryk changed his mind and agreed to cooperate with HUAC, not only admitting to having been a member of the Communist Party himself, but also identifying a number of people he knew as Communists (or former ones) and thereby becoming one of the first people to rescue himself by naming others. Dmytryk was released from prison and resumed his work in the film industry; the other nine people in the Hollywood Ten served the remainder of their terms and were blacklisted once they regained their freedom. “Naming names” became a purity test that the federal government set for people as the only way to get off the blacklist. HUAC didn’t need the names––they already had them––but to prove their loyalty to the U.S., people were made to practice a “ritual speech intoning names of fellow sinners and recanting former beliefs,” wrote Arthur Miller, who went on to dramatize this process in The Crucible [1953], his play about the 1692 Salem witch trials.
Meanwhile, another, more insidious form of blacklisting had begun. In 1947, President [Harry S.] Truman [1884-1972; 33rd President of the United States: 1945-53] instituted the Federal Employee Loyalty Program, in which membership and donor lists of organizations with supposed ties to Fascism, Communism, totalitarianism, or “subversive views” were obtained and checked for the names of people in the federal government as well as those applying for jobs in it. At first, these lists were for internal use only, but Truman later allowed them to be released to the public. The implication that the government had branded these American citizens disloyal to their country because they supported “subversive” organizations such as the Negro Cultural Committee and the American Protection of the Foreign Born was soon taken up and exploited by vigilante blacklisters.
In 1950, the weekly right-wing newsletter Counterattack published a pamphlet entitled Red Channels: The Report of Communist Influence in Radio and Television, accusing 151 people in the entertainment industry of having ties to “Communist front” organizations. This 50-cent [worth $6.95 today] pamphlet was bought by thousands of people who wrote letters saying they would boycott the products of the radio and television shows’ sponsors if the actors, directors, choreographers, writers, and composers listed in Red Channels were hired.
[Counterattack: The Newsletter of Facts on Communism was a weekly, right-wing, anti-communist newsletter published from 1947 to 1955. The publication played a central role in naming and blacklisting alleged communists and “fellow travelers” during the height of the post-WWII Red Scare.
[The newsletter was established in May 1947 by three former FBI agents who under a private, for-profit consultancy firm named American Business Consultants (ABC). Its stated goal was to combat communism and expose individuals, labor unions, and organizations suspected of subversive affiliation with the CPUSA. Counterattack went into decline after a series of lawsuits by people who were named in the publication.
[Red Channels, a pamphlet-style report published in June 1950, was the newsletter’s most famous and historically significant byproduct. This document listed 151 actors, writers, musicians, and broadcast journalists. The publication of Red Channels institutionalized the Hollywood blacklist, effectively freezing or destroying the entertainment careers of iconic entertainment and media figures.]
Included in this first edition of the pamphlet were many prominent theatre artists who also relied on income earned in radio and the new medium of television. Actors Uta Hagen [1919-2004], José Ferrer [1912-92], Ruth Gordon [1896-1985], Zero Mostel [1915-77], Jack Gilford [1908-90], Lee J. Cobb [1911-76], J. Edward Bromberg [1903-51], and John Garfield [1913-52] were listed, as were composers Leonard Bernstein [1918-90] and Aaron Copland [1900-90] and folk singer Pete Seeger [1919-2014]. Playwrights Clifford Odets, Lillian Hellman [1905-84], and Arthur Miller were named, as well as playwright/directors Garson Kanin [1912-99], Marc Connelly [1890-1980], and Arthur Laurents [1917-2011], and directors Martin Ritt [1914-90], Abe Burrows [1910-85], and Joseph Losey [1909-84].
Under each person’s name there was a list of the organizations that called their loyalty to the United States into question. Anything remotely left-wing was fair game, including participation in an annual May Day parade celebrating workers [1 May is European Labor Day and was a major holiday in communist and socialist countries], or supporting members of the Hollywood Ten. Choreographer Helen Tamiris [1902-66], the director of the Federal Dance Project in the 1930s and a 1950 Tony Award winner [1950, for her choreography in Touch and Go (1949)], was accused among other things of being a sponsor of the End Jim Crow in Baseball Committee. Director Margaret Webster was targeted for 14 progressive causes she supported, among them having signed a letter urging the abolition of HUAC. Underneath the name of poet and playwright Langston Hughes [1901-67; poet, social activist, novelist, playwright, and columnist] were 40 organizations, along with the accusation that his ironic poem “Goodbye Christ” was “a typical example of vicious and blasphemous propaganda Communists use against religion.” And many theatre artists were targeted for having sent telegrams of congratulations to the Moscow Art Theatre on its 50th anniversary.
[The Hughes poem noted above was published in The Negro Worker (November/December 1932). The publication was an international communist newspaper published from 1928 to 1937. It served as the primary media organ for the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers, an organization formed by the Red International of Labor Unions and the Communist Third International (Comintern).]
At the end of the pamphlet, the organizations themselves were listed and their supposed subversiveness identified. The Congress of American Women, part of an international organization that worked to improve child welfare and women’s rights, was cited as “one of the most potentially dangerous of the many active Communist fronts.” The League of Women Shoppers, a consumer advocacy group that promoted social justice and fought racial discrimination, was described as an organization “whose chief purpose was to create feminine support in labor disputes.”
The anti-labor vehemence of these guilt by-association lists begs the question: what were unions doing to support their members during this ordeal? The answer is that the film, radio, and television unions were doing nothing––or worse. The Screen Writers Guild [formed in 1933, in 1954, became the Writers Guild of America, West and the Writers Guild of America, East] and the Directors Guild of America refused to support their members during the prosecution and imprisonment of the Hollywood Ten. The American Federation of Television and Radio Artists (AFTRA) adopted a new rule: members who pleaded the Fifth Amendment at HUAC’s hearings so as not to incriminate themselves––refusing to answer whether they were, or had ever been, in the Communist Party––were assumed to be Communists and suspended or expelled from the union. The board of the Screen Actors Guild (SAG) published a statement saying that members of the Communist Party “should be exposed for what they are––enemies of our country and our form of government. It is not the province of the Guild Board to decide what is the best method for carrying out this aim.”
At first, Actors’ Equity Association followed SAG’s lead and even used some of the same “enemies of our country” language in its own published statement. But in 1951, after Variety announced that HUAC was “getting ready to switch its emphasis from Hollywood to Broadway,” some Equity members resolved to take a different stand. The membership at the October quarterly meeting in New York passed a strongly worded resolution saying that the “blacklisting of one actor in any area of the Entertainment Industry threatens the security of all actors and, indeed, jeopardizes the very existence of our Association.”
Equity’s Council was required by its By-laws to consider this resolution, and though it was hotly debated in a Council meeting two weeks later, it was eventually passed. The final resolution was considerably watered down from the membership meeting draft, but it did state that Actors’ Equity “condemns the practice of ‘blacklisting’ in all its forms,” and promised to aid members in getting a fair and impartial hearing if they faced charges. The following year, Equity succeeded in getting this language into its contracts with the Broadway League and other producers, and its members also formed an anti-blacklist committee––thereby becoming the only performing artists’ union to take a stand against the anti-democratic behavior of the federal government and the vigilante blacklisters. (SDC [Stage Directors and Choreographers Society (formerly Society of Stage Directors and Choreographers )] was not founded until 1959.)
Theatre was mostly exempt from the insidious Red Channels-type blacklisting that so affected film, television, and radio because its audiences didn’t care about the political affiliations of the actors, directors, and playwrights whose work they wanted to experience. At least one vigilante blacklister found this intolerable, writing an article that spewed out names while asking in frustration, “When will the theatre-going public get wise to the con game being operated in New York’s Great Red Way?”
If the theatre-going public never “got wise” to Broadway turning “Red,” a few nervous producers did. At least one director, Joseph Losey, was not hired for a job (directing Arthur Miller’s The Crucible) because of his suspected Communist membership. And even Equity took a step back from its stand against blacklisting when its membership felt it necessary to vote to expel any member who’d been proven––by due process––to be a current member of the Communist Party.
CAPITULATION
HUAC’s new focus on Broadway was preceded by several years of FBI investigations of well-known theatre artists who also worked in film. In 1950, choreographer Jerome Robbins [1918-98], whose celebrated work on Broadway and with the New York City Ballet was beginning to lead to film offers, was informed by television host Ed Sullivan [1901-74] that his suspected Communist membership in the 1940s made it necessary to rescind an invitation to appear on his show. Sullivan told Robbins that his past affiliations could harm his career and urged him to “confess” to local FBI agents; he may also have suggested that he would divulge his homosexuality if he didn’t comply.
[HUAC and McCarthy’s Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations linked the “Lavender Scare” to the “Red Scare” by labeling LGBTQ people potential security risks due to vulnerability to blackmail.]
Robbins met twice with the FBI in New York, confirming his brief Communist membership and agreeing to appear before HUAC if called. He even said he would be willing to identify others who were in the Party with him but he expressed reservations about “smearing people whose activities I had no knowledge of for the past three to six years.” He then left on a European tour with the New York City Ballet, and when Sullivan published a story in the Philadelphia Inquirer entitled “Tip to Red Probers: Subpena [sic] Jerome Robbins,” he stayed overseas for some months afterwards on the advice of his lawyer. His letters from that time even suggest that he considered becoming an ex-patriate to avoid having to testify before HUAC.
In early 1952, stage and film director Elia Kazan [1909-2003] was called before the Committee in a private session. He too was candid about his own brief membership in the Communist Party in the 1930s when he was an actor with the Group Theatre, but he was not required to name names. But his contract with Twentieth Century Fox was up for renewal, and he was told by one of its producers that unless he identified other former Communist Party members to the Committee he would never work as a film director again. Kazan began to experience chest pains, hand tremors, and sleepless nights as he agonized over what to do, eventually turning his agitation against the Communist Party, which he had left in 1936 over his refusal to try to persuade the Group Theatre to produce plays with overt Communist propaganda. He felt he had been humiliated at a Party meeting and had remained bitter ever since.
“I was against them all,” he wrote many decades later. “I began to measure the weight and worth of what I was giving up, my career in films, which I was surrendering for a cause I didn’t believe in.” (Of course, the “cause” he’d be giving up his film career for would not have been Communism, but the ability of his friends and colleagues to make a living.) Kazan directed all the blame for his situation at the Communist Party and none at HUAC, apparently rationalizing (as many did at the time) that if a democratic government behaved in an anti-democratic way, it was within its rights to do so. But others deplored HUAC’s “contempt for basic human rights,” in the words of Arthur Miller, and laid the blame for the blacklist squarely at the feet of the federal government.
[The quotation (and those below) from the director is from Elia Kazan: A Life (Knopf, 1988), his autobiography.]
Kazan returned to HUAC in April 1952 and gave the Committee eight names. (For good measure, he went on to talk about all the plays and films he’d directed, describing how––as he said of one musical––they were “non-political but full of American tradition and spirit.”) He then tried to hold off the inevitable recriminations from the theatre community by taking out an explanatory ad in the New York Times [“A STATEMENT by Elia Kazan,” 12 April 1952: 7.]––a defense that was poorly received and seen as self-serving. His secretary at the Actors Studio quit in protest, people he knew crossed the street to avoid him, and he received many letters, some of them anonymous, condemning what he had done. One such letter concluded, “I cannot sign my name because you hold an economic whip over those of us who are only actors.”
Elia Kazan resumed his successful career in both theatre and film but was disturbed by his own actions for the rest of his life. He speculated in his 1988 memoir that as the child of Greek immigrants, he might have been consumed by the need to prove his own patriotism. “What I’d done was correct but was it right?” he wrote. “No one who did what I did, whatever his reasons, came out of it undamaged. I did not. Here I am thirty-five years later, worrying over it.”
Kazan’s testimony cost him his working and personal relationship with Arthur Miller, whose early plays All My Sons [1947] and Death of a Salesman [1949] he had directed: Miller collaborated with other directors on his 1950s plays The Crucible [1953; staged by Jed Harris (1900-79)] and A View from the Bridge [1955; directed by Martin Ritt], both of which explore the human costs of informing on others. But Miller never explicitly condemned Kazan, and he always kept his anger directed at the perpetrators––HUAC and the vigilante blacklisters––rather than at their victims. Decades later, in his memoir, Miller lamented the futility of Kazan’s capitulation to HUAC. “Who or what was now safer because this man in his human weakness had been forced to humiliate himself?” he asked. “What truth had been enhanced by all this anguish?”
[Quotations from Arthur Miller are from Timebends.]
Writing from Israel in the spring of 1952, Jerome Robbins asked in a letter, “What is the news––& what have been the repercussions of Kazan’s statement?” When he himself was finally called before HUAC in May 1953, he talked about his reasons for joining the Communist Party––because of its stance against “minority prejudice” and anti-Semitism [Robbins, born Jerome Rabinowitz, was Jewish]––and why he left it several years later over its treatment of artists as “puppets” expected to insert Communist propaganda into their work. Then, with very little prompting, he went on to name seven of his colleagues from that time as having been members of the Party as well.
His demeanor when testifying “was so compliant that his appearance had about it the aura of social blackmail” (according to Naming Names [Viking Press, 1980], Victor Navasky’s [1932-2023; journalist, editor, and author] definitive account of the blacklist era), leading to speculation in the theatre and dance community that he might have cooperated so fully with HUAC for fear of being outed. At the hearing, when Representative Clyde Doyle [1887-1963; United States Representative from California: 1945-47 and 1949-63] asked him to explain his motives, observing that “some other people, who claim to be artists or authors or musicians, would put you down as a stool pigeon,” this exchange ensued:
Robbins: I’ve examined myself. I think I made a great mistake in entering the Communist Party, and I feel I am doing the right thing as an American.
Doyle: Well, so do I . . . You are in a wonderful place, through your art, your music, your talent . . . to perhaps be very vigorous and positive in promoting Americanism in contrast to Communism. Let me suggest that you use that great talent which God has blessed you with to put into ballet in some way, to put into music in some way, that interpretation.
Robbins: Sir, all my works have been acclaimed for its [sic] American quality particularly.
Doyle: I realize that but let me urge you to even put more of that in it, where you can appropriately.
Jerome Robbins’s career continued unabated in theatre and he began to work in film as well. But like Kazan, he found that many of his colleagues and friends were outraged by his compliance with HUAC’s request for names. Even his family was appalled: his father told his sister that rather than become an informer, Robbins should have given up his prospects in film, television, and even theatre. “He could always open a dancing school,” he said.
Robbins was haunted by what he had done for the rest of his life. Years later, in his notes for an autobiographical play, he wrote that he had capitulated to HUAC not so much because he was afraid of his sexual identity becoming known, but because of his lifelong insecurity about being the son of Jewish immigrants. He had always experienced “terrible pangs of terror when I feel that my career, work, veneer of accomplishments, would be taken away.” In front of HUAC, he believed, “I panicked and crumbled and returned to that primitive state of terror––the façade of Jerry Robbins would be cracked open, and behind everyone would see Jerome Wilson Rabinowitz.”
[Robbins’s statement above is apparently from journal entries he made in the early 1990s for a play called The Poppa Piece that was to be an autobiographical play with dialogue that explored not only his anguish over the HUAC interview, but his family history as well. The Poppa Piece was never completed and its only “performances” were private experimental workshop sessions.]
Author’s Note: Sources consulted in the writing of this article include biographies and memoirs of the theatre artists discussed, plus three indispensable books: Naming Names by Victor Navasky, a comprehensive narrative published in 1980; Broadway and the Blacklist by K. Kevyne Baar, which details the actions of Actors’ Equity and other unions; and The Playbook: A Story of Theater, Democracy, and the Making of a Culture War by James Shapiro, a 2024 book about HUAC’s targeting of the Federal Theatre Project.
[Because of its length, I’ve had to break this article into two parts. Part two of “The Blacklist” will be posted on Friday, 3 July. Please come back to ROT for the conclusion of this report.
[Mary B. Robinson is a director, teacher, and writer
who has directed more than 70 productions in New York City and around the
country, taught directing at NYU and Brooklyn College, and written the books To Repair the World: Zelda Fichandler and the
Transformation of American Theater and Directing Plays, Directing
People: A Collaborative Art. She
served for 15 years on the Executive Board of SDC.]