19 November 2021

'Children of the Gods': Launching The Shaliko Company (1973)

 

The audience is the Gods, the actors are the Greeks: watch in comfort as civilization collapses in this environmental spectacle of sex, power and selfishness

That’s the text of a display ad in the New York Times on Friday, 11 May 1973, for The Shaliko Company’s début production, Children of the Gods. 

Returning to New York in 1971 after the dissolution of his New Mexico guerrilla-theater troupe, the Appleseed (see “Cheerleaders of the Revolution” on Rick On Theater on 1 October 2009 and Song in the Blood (Hiroshima/Los Alamos),” 5 August 2009), Leonardo Shapiro (1946-97) sought out the actors he’d known in the 1960s in New York University’s theater program. 

Among Shapiro’s other associates at New York University had been director André Gregory (b. 1934), founder of the Manhattan Project; Omar Shapli (b. 1930), who started the improvisational group Section 10; and director-teacher Richard Schechner (b. 1934), who had begun his Performance Group during those years. 

Gregory, Shapli, and Schechner had all started their companies after they had studied with Jerzy Grotowski (1933-99), who’d conducted his first American workshop at NYU in 1967, and based them in one way or another on the techniques Grotowski taught. 

Filled with ideas from Grotowski, and inspired by the examples of Gregory, Shapli, and Schechner, Shapiro, who never conceived of theater other than as a permanent collaboration among artists, put Shaliko together in January 1972 using former NYU students, including Candace Tovar (b. 1947), who was now his wife; Margaret Pine (b. 1948); Tom Crawley (1940-95); and Linda Putnam (b. 1944). 

Along with having been at NYU with Shapiro, Crawley and Putnam had also been in the 1967 Grotowski workshop (as had Pine’s husband, actor Larry Pine, b. 1945), and both Tovar and Putnam had been in New Mexico with him. 

The formation of The Shaliko Company was facilitated by a recently-conceived program at NYU.  Called the Ensemble Theatre Project (or, sometimes, Program; unconnected to the Ensemble Studio Theatre company of New York), the venture was intended as a showcase for the work of small performing troupes, limited to ten members, spawned by the School of the Arts in which “the performers use talents and skills acquired at the School to seek what is new in theatre and dance.”

The program, launched in 1971, was “an in-house project funded by the Rockefeller Foundation with the goal of creating small, viable performance groups comprised of graduates of the NYU theatre and dance departments.”  SOA Dean David J. Oppenheim (1922-2007) was pleased to see some students already working while they were still in school, as the cast of Brother, You’re Next (see my post on ROT on 26 January 2010) and the New York Free Theater (ROT, 4 April 2010) had done a few years earlier, so NYU set up a venture to raise money to seed small performing troupes. 

The idea was that these companies would be a step for the graduates from training to career without wasting the six to eight years of dispiriting non-creativity, and that the companies themselves would spin off into their own artistic orbits.  Shapiro became one of the NYU artists who availed themselves of the university’s largess—and it worked. 

In its time, especially as an adjunct of a traditional academic institution, the ETP was innovative—but right in line with Shapiro’s own ideas about the arts and education.  ETP’s founders conceived the project as “a movement away from the hired-hand notion of a company, and toward a community of artists” along the same path blazed by Gregory and Schechner—the precise philosophy voiced by Shapiro. 

Some of the other fundamental reasons for the formation of the ETP were later reflected in Shapiro’s artistic policy for The Shaliko Company.  For instance, the companies were expected to work as ensembles, developing their productions together rather than presenting the finished work of a playwright or choreographer. 

Even before Shaliko moved into what Shapiro called “company-developed” productions like The Yellow House (1986; ROT, 9 February 2018) and Strangers (1990; ROT, 3 and 6 March 2014), the troupe selected and developed its projects communally. 

Though the company eventually became merely an ad hoc collection of artists with whom Shapiro frequently worked, the early company was a group of young actors committed to exploring together the possibilities of performance as an expression of personal, artistic, and social concerns. 

On the model of other troupes of the 1960s and early 1970s, Shaliko was an ensemble.  Like Shapiro’s theatrical models and those that served as paradigms of social and intellectual symbioses like Black Mountain College (ROT, 20 June 2014), a cradle of what would become known as Postmodernism, and his own Windsor Mountain School, the progressive prep school in Lenox, Massachusetts, from which Shapiro graduated in 1963 (“Max and Gertrud Bondy,” ROT, 12 October 2011), Shaliko embodied a commitment not only to the art, but to the ensemble and to one another. 

Beginning as what Shapiro called “a shared idea in October, 1971,” the troupe “gravitated toward group theatre because it offered continuity of work, freedom to experiment and explore, and commitment to craft rather than commerce.”

In the early months of its formation starting in late January 1972, The Shaliko Company spent time getting to know one another through games and exercises.  The troupe stopped doing exercises for their own sakes, however, once they began working on productions. 

During these early investigations, the troupe spent time “developing skills,” for which purpose Shapiro created an exercise “in mistaken imitation of the Beijing Opera” that he called “blind combat,” in which the actors wear blindfolds and circle one another wielding wooden swords.  Out of this game eventually grew the company’s first project, Children of the Gods. 

Once Shaliko began working on Children of the Gods, however, they ceased physical work for its own sake and engaged in games and exercises only “for specific purposes, hoping that they will develop into something we can use,” though not everything did, of course.  “Things got worked on and dropped,” Shapiro said, “and a lot of stuff that got dropped was at the stage where it would’ve looked like exercise work, but it wasn’t for us.”

Shapiro described the process of arriving at the company’s first production:

We spent two months exploring our range.  Seeing what we could do and how far we could push ourselves.  Developing techniques that could use the new possibilities we were discovering.  By March, we became more text-oriented and started trying out material.  We went through texts rather quickly, using them as tools to further our own growth, pushing them to their limits, then moving on to richer material. . . .  We were looking for a script that spoke directly to the needs we felt we shared with our audience, a script strong enough to take all we could put of ourselves into it and still maintain its own integrity.  By June, we had discovered the Greeks.

Not surprisingly, considering Shapiro’s youthful aim to become a poet, among the earliest texts with which Shaliko experimented were poems.  After testing Kenneth Koch’s (1925-2002) George Washington Crossing the Delaware, “a grade school skit, celebrating the American myth,” in February 1972 and discovering that it was “too thin” and “would not bear our weight,” the nascent Shaliko took up W. H. Auden’s (1907-73) ballad “Victor,” a 1937 narrative of how modern society produces lost souls—elements of which sentiment found their way into Strangers in 1990—and, in May, Allen Ginsberg’s (1926-97) “September on Jessore Road,” a long lyric poem from 1971 describing the devastating 1968 floods and famine in India and chastising the U.S. for using its wealth to bomb Southeast Asians instead of sending humanitarian assistance to desperate Indians. 

At the same time that Shapiro and his new troupe were planning to work on Ginsberg’s poem, they also intended to begin work on another poetic theater piece, Vladimir Mayakovsky’s (1893-1930) Mystery-Bouffe.  This is significant, even though the planned “street show” adaptation never occurred, because a decade-and-a-half later, Shaliko would develop a modern version of this play about revolution (“Speaking Truth To Power: Shaliko’s Mystery History Bouffe Goof,” 17 August 2018).  During the planned rehearsals of Mystery-Bouffe, the company wanted to develop an adaptation of William Golding’s (1911-93) The Inheritors but ultimately could not secure the rights. 

Then, after a year, the demand to produce became “pretty intense” and, “blind combat” having evolved into the Trojan War, Children of the Gods, a composite of Aeschylus’ (525-456 BCE) Agamemnon and Euripides’ (480?-406 BCE) Electra, Orestes, and Iphigenia at Aulis, premiered in February 1973 at Philip Arnoult’s Theatre Project in Baltimore.  In May, Shaliko presented it in New York as part of an NYU Ensemble Theatre Project festival.  

Shaliko’s work on Children “took a year,” said Shapiro, “but I don’t remember how much time was spent working on the production and how much time was spent creating the ensemble.”

It is perhaps not surprising that these Greek plays would attract Shapiro’s attention.  The Aeschylus, for instance, centers on the murder of Agamemnon, the troupe’s “first attempt to make something forbiddingly ugly in the theater,” said the director.  Ever focusing on violence, “the romance” of which he wanted “to deconstruct”—as he would again 13 years later with Punch! (ROT, 4 September 2021), among other productions—Shapiro intended “to make murder seem ugly and hard and not at all fun.”

But it was Euripides’ works that are most in keeping with Shapiro’s temperament.  Of all the classical figures whom Shapiro might have included among his influences, the only Greek he named was Euripides—perhaps because, like several of his other models and inspirations, the Greek tragedian was an iconoclast and a harsh critic of his own society who was unpopular in his lifetime, ending up an outcast and an exile. 

The Greek tragedian’s characters express controversial views and question the traditional values of Athenian society, championing women’s rights and equitable treatment of foreigners, questioning the gods and, though Euripides had fought as a soldier himself, challenging Athens’ imperialism and the morality of its military campaigns. 

The butt of jokes, rumors, and the comedians’ jibes, he was accused of blasphemy and treason; yet, in behavior Shapiro was bound to esteem, he refused to curry the favor of his countrymen despite increasing official repression that saw his friends and colleagues exiled or killed.  Unappreciated by the Athenian establishment, Euripides did not win his first drama competition until 14 years after his debut, and won only four first prizes during his life (and a fifth posthumously). 

Only after his death was his influence—and his value to Athens, from which he had fled before his death—recognized; today, he is regarded by many critics as the first modern playwright and the one with the greatest impact on later theatrical development.  Such an artist who wrote against war when his nation was fighting against Sparta and invading Sicily is certainly a fitting choice for a company protesting war while its nation was fighting in Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos.

“[T]he story of the House of Atreus spoke directly to us,” averred Shapiro; “it was amazingly credible, especially at its most extreme moments.  Our war was ending and our half million Orestes and Electra[s], ready for action, were coming home.”  Using the Atreid saga to examine what happens when soldiers come home after ten years of waging war, Children was developed as “a redemption sacrifice to help heal the wounds of Vietnam.”

“We took this Greek material,” said director Shapiro, “to do a show about today—not by rewriting or changing the material, but by bringing ourselves to it.  The actors have stepped naked into these Greek plays bringing themselves and their world into the classical chain of blood crimes. They (the actors) are the children of our time.”

In the end, Children of the Gods was an environmental theater collage of the four classic Greek plays.  It doesn’t really have a plot in the conventional sense; there’s no real throughline with a beginning, a middle, and an end.  Generally, it recounts the saga of the fall of the House of Atreus.

I won’t retell the many legends that make up the story of the Atreides, but just to sort out the characters of Children, I’ll say that Agamemnon and Menelaus were brothers and the sons of the founder of the house, Atreus, King of Mycenae.  By the time of the plays, Menelaus was king in Sparta (and husband of Helen, the Greek beauty whose abduction started the whole Trojan War) and Agamemnon in Mycenae.

Agamemnon was married to Clytemnestra, whom he left alone in Mycenae when he went off to fight the Trojans, a war that lasted ten years.  They had a son, Orestes, and two daughters, Electra and Iphigenia.  Agamemnon was ordered to sacrifice Iphigenia to the goddess Artemis in order to secure a wind so his fleet could sail to Troy.

Agamemnon complied, angering Clytemnestra.  While her husband was away at war, she took a lover, Aegisthus, the son of Thyestes, Atreus’ twin brother.  Agamemnon, in turn, has brought back to Mycenae Cassandra, a priestess of Troy who has the gift of seeing the future—except that no one will believe her predictions.

When Agamemnon returned from Troy, Clytemnestra and Aegisthus kill him and Cassandra.  In anger at their mother’s act, Electra and Orestes plot to murder her and Aegisthus in revenge.  Clytemnestra curses her son, who is hounded ever after by the Furies.

Menelaus returns to Sparta with Helen and Electra, despite her part on the murders of Clytemnestra and Aegisthus, is largely unaffected by the fate of her doomed family.

In Shaliko’s interpretation of the myths, descendants of Atreus are worthy of punishment because of the long list of blood crimes they have committed, starting with the murders of Thyestes’ children by his twin, Atreus—who then feeds the children to Thyestes.  To make sure the audience knows all this evil-doing, the program supplies a list of the major ones, including Helen’s betrayal of Menelaus and Agamemnon’s sacrifice of Iphigenia.

The troupe began improvising and Shapiro lifted scenes from Aeschylus and Euripides “wantonly” to assemble the story they wanted to tell.  For much of the rehearsal period, the director said, the company was not even sure what they were working on. 

As warm-up, the cast sat and listened to each other reading classicist and poet Richmond Lattimore’s (1906-84) translation of The Iliad, an exercise that taught them the value of storytelling and an appreciation for “the beauty of open transmission between a reader/performer and his audience,” both of which would become integral elements of the Shaliko theatrical philosophy.  Shapiro had an enduring interest in telling stories and he claimed that he married this concentration on narrative to his focus on poetry. 

The young Shaliko actors felt they were rediscovering “the roots of drama” and saw their efforts as “very pure and sincere” in contrast to what they saw in the mainstream theater of the city.  The twin kernels of Shapiro’s theater, narrative and poetry, grew as the company matured.

The company used improvisation and an “emphasis . . . less upon the lines than on physical action” to connect the various fragments, “skillfully shift[ing] from the story of Orestes and Electra to that of Agamemnon and Iphigenia.”  Though playwright and actor Wallace Shawn (b. 1943), a friend from the NYU days who followed Shapiro’s work from the beginning, pronounced Children “incredibly exciting,” the Daily News critic opined that “something [was] lost in the translation, not to mention the condensing”; he nonetheless gave The Shaliko Company “A for effort” and encouraged the troupe to continue experimenting. 

Coming directly out of exercises such as “blind combat” as it did, Children, which Shapiro described as “a violent and at times nasty show that took a sweet if tortured stand against violence,” was a punishingly physical production, beginning with blind combat. 

“It was a very physical production,” declared the director in a 1992 interview in which we looked at photos of past Shaliko productions.  “Incredibly physical.”  He pointed out an actress “thrown all the way across the theater.”  He exclaimed, “This is a person flying through the air being thrown by that person.”

“Everything,” Shapiro elucidated, “focused on the physical offering of the actor’s body.  We were doing with the play what Iphigenia was doing in the play.”  Indeed, the director pronounced what the cast was doing as “super-athletic and in fact dangerous.”

With Children of the Gods, Shaliko also began exploring what Shapiro called the “real-time event”—what actually happens at a performance while the audience is in the room—a concept obviously heavily dependent on the audience-performer relationship (see my post, 6 July 2021).  

If the actors present themselves as people like the spectators, doing actual things in real time, then, Shapiro hoped, the audience would become part of the event by making connections between actions that previously appeared unrelated.  Even as early as his days in New Mexico, the young director was quoting Grotowski: “The theatre is an act carried on HERE AND NOW in the actors [sic] organism, in front of other men . . . .”  The rest of Grotowski’s statement asserts that “theatrical reality is instantaneous, not an illustration of life,” linking the audience and the performers in one actual experience. 

Unrehearsed and unregulated, the real-time event could vary the length of the performance by as much as an hour either way, but without changing what Shapiro called its “score.”  Shapiro’s use of this term is similar to that of Ryszard Cieślak (1937-90), Grotowski’s principal actor and interpreter, who provided two analogies to explain it: a glass with a candle burning inside it and the bed of a river.  The glass, as the score, contains the flame, but the flame changes with each performance, responding to the moment, just as the riverbed channels the water, which is always “new and unknown.”

While the score remains constant, even rigid, but imperceptible, it is the flame or the river that the spectator sees, and which alters in response to the audience and the environment.  Shapiro described how this applied to the murder of Clytemnestra in Children of the Gods:

[T]he thing was that it was a game.  [Orestes and Electra] had to make her . . . be absolutely silent for, I think it was as long as it took to clap their hands three times.  If she made any sound at all they had to let her go for another three claps.  They could do anything they wanted to her—anything.  . . . .  One night, she actually got out of the theater and they chased her down Second Avenue and brought her back.  Some nights the murder would take, you know, ten minutes, some nights it would take thirty seconds.  It was all up to [Clytemnestra]; it was all up to her guts.  She was just so stubborn that she really wouldn’t let go.

Another example of real time in Children came at the very beginning of the performance.  The actors actually played blind combat as a real game.  There was no way to know how long that would take, Shapiro emphasized.  When someone was “killed” in the game, the actor started his or her opening monologue.  When all the monologues were spoken, the scene started. 

Shapiro had to rig the game, however, because he wanted Cassandra’s monologue early and the actress always was too good.  She kept winning, the director explained, making the balance wrong.  So Shapiro ended up having her wear anklets made up of bells so that she couldn’t be too good and the others could get her early enough to make Cassandra’s monologue like a prologue.

(When Shapiro told me this anecdote, I replied that it was ironic because he’d wanted to rely on real time, but had to rig the game so that it came out the way he needed.  Shapiro’s response was that he wanted it to be real, but he wanted it to be his way.)

Though Shapiro’s use of real time eventually got more subtle, and in later work he never returned to the overt use of it that appeared in early Shaliko productions, it was still a practice to which Shapiro came back again and again in his work and in discussions.  In a statement of the company’s purpose and goals, which alluded to his circus influence, he wrote: “Shaliko’s actors focus on the present, they improvise, they react to the moment with the concentration of a tight-rope walker, living the emotion of the present, not of a past evoked with artifice.”

Also starting with Children, Shapiro, invoking the actor-audience contract, made “the audience the active participant that connects the dots,” his application of Sergei Eisenstein’s (1898-1948) theory of attractions (ROT, 31 January 2010) as Shapiro understood it from Vsevolod Meyerhold (1874-1942). 

As New Leader critic Bermel noted, “Around and above the playing area . . . stretches a rectangle of scaffolding with plushy mattresses.  Loafing on them, spectators unavoidably become the gods looking down on their would-be worshipers,” with, as Shapiro put it, “the actors . . . always doing everything for the audience hoping the audience would love them and give them favor.”  In what Shapiro called “a wrestling match with the passivity of the audience,” Shaliko strove to “enter into a relationship” with its audience “and try to get them to play their parts.”

This precept can also be traced back to Grotowski and Shapiro’s earliest contacts with him.  At the time of the Theater Laboratory’s first New York visit, Grotowski pointedly invoked Polish actor and director Juliusz Osterwa, his only acknowledged antecedent, who he said “treated acting as a human experience that exists not for the public, but vis-à-vis the public.”

As the gods to the actors’ Greeks in Children of the Gods, the spectators were acknowledged presences for the actors, but in later productions, there was no substantive contact between the spectators and the actors.  This latter form of audience-performer interaction became the norm for Shaliko productions, though sometimes the spectators didn’t recognize their roles. 

Furthermore, Shapiro essentially eschewed “character” in the Stanislavskian sense.  “From the beginning of our work as a company,” explained Shapiro, “I was never interested in . . .  character.  We just threw that out and made everything based on . . . making sense and pursuing the objective.”

“Part of the conception of the actors’ job is role playing as opposed to character,” Shapiro expounded further, “playing the definition of their relationship with the audience and the story that is being told.”

On Shaliko’s work on Children of the Gods, the director affirmed that he didn’t see Agamemnon, Clytemnestra, Iphigenia, Menelaus, Orestes, or Electra as characters, “but was fascinated by them as hereditary 3,000 year-old roles as fresh today as when their garments were first produced by exploited children laboring in Athenian sweat shops.” 

For Shapiro, they were “[t]he greedy King, the unforgiving Queen, the sacrificed Virgin on the altar, the stormy Uncle, the wounded, disillusioned Young Hero, the Sister who has been unhinged by the thirst for revenge.”  Shapiro called this form of “role-play” “psychodrama.”  (I go into this Shaliko technique in “Acting: Testimony & Role vs. Character,” 25 September 2013.)

Children of the Gods, which ran about 75 minutes (depending on the real-time elements), premièred at the Theatre Project in Baltimore from 15 to 25 February 1973.  It transferred to the Ensemble Theatre Project in the Normandy Room at Central Plaza (111 2nd Avenue), New York University, New York City, from 10 to 26 May.  (There was a single performance at New York City’s Town Hall in the Theatre District on the evening of 8 March.  It was sponsored by the Cooper Union Forum, a program of free lectures and non-credit courses offered by the college.) 

The cast comprised Mary Zakrzewski as Cassandra and Iphigenia, Tom Crawley as Agamemnon, Margaret Pine as Clytemnestra, Jordan Clarke as Aegisthus and Achilles, Bruce Cobb as Orestes, Candace Tovar as Electra, and Tony Swartz as Menelaus.

The costumes, like the play itself, were collages of mixed pieces (Agamemnon, for instance, wore a life vest)—perhaps bricolage is a more accurate word here.  All the actors had their characters’ names inscribed in one way or another on their costumes; actors who doubled roles changed the costume bits with the names displayed.

The setting for Children was a 24' by 8' rectangle of two-inch rubber matting for Argos, surrounded by a four-foot-wide perimeter.  Aulis was a 24' by 32' runway of the same black rubber matting.  There was no actual “scenery,” nothing built, no furniture.  The “furniture” was, say, a sheepskin rug that an actor laid on or sat on.  There was no chair or table or anything three-dimensional. 

Both areas were on the floor of the performing space (that is, no raised platform) and were in place all the time.  Sometimes the action shifted from one area to the other; Agamemnon’s arrival from Troy after the war was the first scene, for instance, then the action moved to Aulis and his sacrifice of Iphigenia before the war was the second scene, a flashback.  Sometimes scenes took place in both spaces at once.

There was scaffolding to create platforms for the audience to sit on, looking down from above.  The scaffolding, against the walls on all four sides of the room, was wrapped in newspaper so spectators don’t see it as scaffolding.  It looked very sort of primeval, Shapiro felt, because of the shapes that it made: very thick, organic, clumsy. 

The New Leader’s Bermel credits Norvid Ross with the set design, but he’s the only review-writer who names a scenographer.  (The Village Voice review mentions “a designer” without giving a name.)  The press releases also don’t say anything about a designer, but they also don’t name any of the cast, either. 

Knowing Shapiro as I do, I suspect he had a technical adviser who oversaw the set’s construction, but that the director devised the concept—especially the scaffolding, which was a favorite technique of Shapiro’s in Shaliko’s early years.  The director worked that way often over the 20 years The Shaliko Company existed.

On the platforms above, in a complete rectangular arena configuration like an elevated boxing ring, the audience lay on long pillows the director had made at a factory in Brooklyn.  Beneath the scaffolding were the actors’ home bases, little alcoves.  There the off-stage actors could be seen relaxing between scenes, changing their costumes, touching up their hair, or speaking lines out to the main acting area.

So the audience is looking down and the actors are on this rubber-matted floor.  And because the actors are the Greeks and the spectators are the gods, the actors do everything for the audience in the hope that the gods are looking and that the Greeks will get their favor and the Greeks are competing with each other for the gods’ favor. 

I didn’t see Children of the Gods (I was still in the army in Berlin at the time), though I have seen still photos of the Theatre Project and Normandy Room performances.  A couple of reviews described the performances in some detail, so I’m going to do something I rarely do: I’m going to quote extensively from them—I’ll let the reviewers tell you what they saw.

In the Village Voice, Julius Novick reports, “The performers describe their work as a ‘collage.’”  He continues:

The dialogue seems to stick fairly closely to Aeschylus and Euripides, with an occasional “okay” or “motherfucker” thrown in for good luck . . . .  The action switched back and forth between Aulis, where Iphigenia is sacrificed by Agamemnon, and Argos (10 and more years later, after the Trojan War), where Agamemnon and Cassandra are killed by Clytemnestra and Aegisthus, and Clytemnestra and Aegisthus are killed by Orestes and Electra.  Often action talks place in both locales simultaneously. 

The playing area is an oblong arena spread with mats; the audience surrounds this area on all four sides, sitting on large cushions and looking steeply down at the action.  (According to the press release, “The actors are the Greeks, the audience is the Gods,” but I wouldn’t have known if I hadn’t been told.)  As we come in, the lights are dim; various performers are moving in the arena, while others are ululating softly in corners.

The lights come up on Cassandra, in Argos, speaking the agony that precedes her death, while two men with clubs move around her miming a combat, and other performers moan and whisper on the sidelines.  Clytemnestra comes out to welcome Agamemnon home from the wars, writhing lasciviously on a large sheepskin as she does so.  This is a very physical production.  Agamemnon embraces a boy before sending him off with an important message.  Clytemnestra carresses [sic] Electra as she as she tells of the murder (I cannot just now recall which murder).  Aegisthus rapes Electra (a detail Aeschylus omitted), spits on her (ditto), and tells her the story of his father Thyestes, and then goes back and hugs Clytemnestra.  Achilles runs around the perimeter of the arena and does calisthenics as he delivers an expository speech.  Menelaus cuddles Agamemnon while persuading him to sacrifice Iphigenia.  Iphigenia jumps into her father’s arms.  Orestes, revealing his identity to Electra, does a somersault as he tears off his mask, after which Electra jumps onto his shoulder.  As Agamemnon talks to Iphigenia, Electra and Orestes embrace in a distinctly unfraternal (and distinctly unsororal) manner.  And brother and sister work themselves up to their task of murder by means of cartwheels and splits.

Then, in The New Leader, Albert Bermel gives this account:

The evening is aggressively theatrical.  Around and above the playing area, . . . stretches a rectangle of scaffolding with plushy mattresses.  Loafing on them, spectators unavoidably become the gods looking down on their would-be worshipers.  The latter, for quick identification, have their names stitched on pants or shirts or, in Agamemnon’s case, on a lifejacket.  When they are not on stage, they can be observed in cavelike cubby holes under the scaffolding, dragging on cigarettes, changing costumes, remaking their hair styles, draining coffee from styrofoam cups, and shouting choral lines into the arena. 

They warm up with one of those coming-to-birth exercises: Wearing red bindfolds, circling one another warily and waving wooden swords to feel their way, they give out wailing sounds.  Blue lights furnish a familiarly eerie glow, and a mood of acute déjà vu settles, but is swiftly shattered.  Once the players get rid of the blindfolds and fumbly preparations, they turn out to be, of all things, comedians.  Having chosen the stern material of the classics they are damned if they’re going to handle it solemnly.

Electra . . . murmurs to Orestes . . ., you better take Aegisthus’ head and hide it so mother doesn’t see it till she’s dead.”  Iphigenia . . . flies up on the shoulders of Agamemnon . . .; her face is now on a level with the gods and she proceeds to chat with them about her pending execution.  Clytemnestra . . . begs her husband for the truth, though every time he opens his mouth she cuts in to tell him he’s lying. 

On a stage combining a conceptual gymnasium and a sports stadium with a battlefield, the actors do not spare their bodies.  Two of them rush toward each other; at the moment when you expect them to thud together with an almighty crashing of bones—they do.  Achilles . . . races around and around like a quarter-miler and handsprings over two actresses while delivering a soliloquy.  Aegisthus . . . hurls Electra to the ground, dives on top of her and pummels wickedly at her ribs and chest.  Orestes thrashes about in his madness, banging his head, back and heels against what is audibly a hard floor.

After 75 minutes of such nonstop punishment, the cast is still able to get to its feet and smile graciously at the applause.  No wonder the number of performances is limited.  Throw in one matinee a week and they would all be drawing workmen’s compensation.

The criticism was mixed, but leaning toward the positive, and even the negative reviews were generous—possibly because Shaliko was new company making its début in a notoriously unforgiving business.  (It may also have been Shapiro’s and Shaliko’s good luck that no one named Simon, Kerr, or Kalb, they of the censorious bent, was assigned to cover the show.)

Shapiro acknowledged that Children of the Gods was commercially unsuccessful, but he asserted that it had created a strong impression on his peers and had an influence on theatrical technique that was still spreading.

Of the Baltimore performances, John P. Sullivan wrote in Performance magazine:

Improvisational theatre can only be successful when the actors are well-disciplined and able to recognize the value of theatrical mannerism and a good script.  Because most of the groups who have experimented with improvisational theatre have not been able to cope with this requirement, most of them have failed.

The Shalako [sic] Company . . . provides a refreshing bright light in the field of improvisational theatre.  This group has been able to deal with the hazards that have destroyed so many other groups.

Sullivan added: “The greatest problem in improvisational theatre us that it usually fails if the audience is aware that the actor is improvising.”  The reviewer pronounced, “The audience is seldom aware that there is improvisation going on in the performance of the Shalako Company.” 

“In their staging, Shalako Company strips away all distractions,” Sullivan reported.  He had one reservation, though, concerning the role of the audience as the gods, as Shapiro laid it out: “I am not sure that the audience was conscious of any such role,” he decided, but added he doubted “that that particular illusion is necessary.”  In conclusion, Sullivan affirmed that “the acting is quite competent.”

In the Baltimore Sun, R. H. Gardner caviled that “I have found the results [of improvisationally-created plays] generally disappointing, owing to the anarchy it tends to breed.  A notable exception is ‘Children of the Gods.’” 

In the presentation of the Greek tragedies collected into Children, Gardner found that “the emphasis is less upon the lines than the physical action.” 

Specifically what the Shalako [sic] troupe has done is to use certain key incidents in the plays—the arrival of Agamemnon, the sacrifice of Iphigenia, the murder of Clytemnestra—as themes for dancing, tumbling, fighting, etc.  But because they have exercised great restraint in the development of this choreography . . . the production avoids the meaningless motion typical of the genre.  On the contrary, it has a definite form; and since the physical action usually enhances the action of the lines, the effect is often a dramatically powerful one.

The Sun review-writer concluded, “The result is not simply a rehash of the fall of the house of Atreus . . . but an entirely new work—for which the Shalako Company is to be commended.”  At the end of his column, Gardner advised that “all who do not mind sitting on elevated scaffolds, in lieu of conventional seats, would be wise to attend.”

Of the New York mounting, Patrick Pacheco stated in the entertainment magazine After Dark:

What is often boringly yet respectfully treated, the Greek classics, this imaginative and talented troupe managed to make exciting and dynamic.  Using untested and new techniques in live theater which center on the event of the performance . . ., the Shaliko Company proves that vitality and creativity of “experimental” theater.

In The New Leader, Albert Bermel declared:

Suddenly the House of Atreus is flourishing again, and open to visitors.  The old foundations stand, but the upper floors have undergone renovations.  Hauled out of various closets, the skeletons . . . have been dusted down and reanimated; they now glow with novelty, as they should.

Bermel echoes the sentiment that Shaliko is standout among improvisational troupes:

There are people who berate improvisational actors for their self-indulgence.  The Shaliko troupe, however, confirms that hardly anything is more enjoyable than watching performers who enjoy what they do.  All it takes is confidence of the most brazen kind; a text on which to embroider crazy variations to their hearts’ content; a director/orchestrator like Leonardo Shapiro who knows how to spin several incidents along at the same time; a willingness to risk getting crippled; and work, work, work.

The Associated Press’s Mary Campbell averred that Shaliko’s Children of the Gods “worked with great effectiveness” by acting out the story straightforwardly so that “it isn’t hard to follow and it is very effective, Campbell repeated.

In the Village Voice, Julius Novick characterized Shaliko’s Children as “deficient in intelligence and lacks any perceptible point; . . . but it is not bad fun—for a while at least.”  Upon describing the physical action of the play, Novick remarked, “Whatever may have been the intention, there is in practice no good reason for most of this.” 

“Mostly they seem to be in earnest; sometimes they seem to be trying to burlesque their material,” complained the Voice reviewer.  “Not infrequently, I was unsure of how they meant certain moments to be taken, and I wondered if they knew.”  Novick continued:

“Children of the Gods” is really, when you come right down to it, a rather preposterous enterprise; but its preposterousness is its charm, and its strength.  The legendary creatures of tragedy, still speaking their mighty speeches and doing their terrible deeds, are turned . . . into a bunch of ingenious, energetic, barefoot, simply . . . clad, nice American kids.  The performers have the familiar arrogance of American actors; instead of subjecting themselves to the characters they play, they subject the reality of the characters to their own personal realities.  But they are so up-front about this, they do it so completely and without hypocrisy, that it becomes acceptable. 

I’m going to break in here and make a comment.  What Novick is complaining about in that last passage, concerning the characters’ realities and the performers’ own, is the Shaliko technique of “testimony.”  I’ve tried to write about this (in the already-referenced “Acting: Testimony & Role vs. Character”), though I don’t know how successful I was explaining the concept. 

Novick wasn’t the only person who had trouble with this notion, which is derived from a Jerzy Grotowski theory.  The principal exemplar of its practice was Ryszard Cieślak—but he was extraordinary and no one else could quite accomplish was he accomplished.

Novick went on with his critique:

In most cases, [the Shaliko actors] do not even attempt a delivery that would match the elevation of the language; they bring the words down to their own level, speak them colloquially, and by doing so they manage to put some real emotion behind them. . . .  Speeches are not boomed out into the air; these people really talk to each other, and when they are not talking to each other, they really talk to the audience, addressing lines to individual spectators and looking them in the eye.

The reviewer from the Voice compared the environment of Children to the setting Grotowski created for The Constant Prince and quipped that “you can bet that this is no coincidence.”  I have no doubt that it isn’t.  Leonardo Shapiro was a devoted student of Jerzy Grotowski, crediting him with being one of his two principal artistic models (the other was Brecht). 

The Constant Prince, one of Grotowski’s most iconic productions, dating from 1967, was performed in New York City in December 1969.  It’s uncertain if Shapiro could have seen that performance as he wasn’t in New York at the time—but he wasn’t far away and could very well have made a point of coming here to see it. 

Even if he hadn’t seen the production by the time he mounted Children, he would certainly have made every effort to learn everything he could about it.  It would not surprise me in the least to learn that The Constant Prince had been a model for Children.

Novick also commented that Grotowski’s apparent influence on Shapiro was not thoroughgoing: “But the spirit of the Shaliko Company is not the gloomy, angst-ridden, ponderous Grotowskian spirit; this is a lively, bouncy, refreshingly unpretentious group of—I have to say it again—nice kids.”

In the end, Novick concluded:

“Children of the Gods” is ultimately a little tiresome, because what is done is so arbitrary; there is so little mind in it, so little purpose and point of view.  (There may be—there probably are—all sorts of profound and significant intentions in the hearts of the director and the performers; but since these intentions never become manifest in what is seen and done onstage, for all practical purposes they might as well not exist.)  The difference between the Greek heroes and the American kids who perform them is potentially an interesting one, raising all sorts of possibilities for irony, but it is never really used.  Still, the Shaliko Company is attractive and, perhaps, gifted, and they certainly do throw themselves into their work.  After all, can Sir John Gielgud turn somersaults?  The question now, is to figure out what to do with the somersaults, how to make dramatic metaphors of them, how to integrate them into some kind of meaningful theatrical structure.

In the New York Times, Mel Gussow prophesied that trying to “condense [the four Greek tragedies of Children] all into 70 minutes . . . is an over-ambitious, if not impossible, undertaking.”  “There are occasional notes of silliness and of pomposity,” Gussow found.  “But despite the obvious deficiencies, this work has an interest.

“The actors,” felt the Timesman, “view the characters from their own perspective . . . .”  Gussow clarified: “This Atreus is about rejected youth.” 

The Times reviewer observed:

To a large extent, “Children of the Gods” is a sporting event.  The characters wear their names on their costumes as if they wore team numbers . . . .

They throw themselves through the air like javelins.  Achilles triumphantly jogs around the stage as if it were a board track.  When an actor is not performing in a particular scene, he sits on the sidelines—benched. 

“At times,” Gussow found, “the action is distracting but it does add a certain rhythm—and even a cohesion—to the production.”  In addition, he noted, “The actors can, for the most part, handle the lofty language . . . with as much ease as they perform their gymnastics.”

Dubbing Children “an ambitious environmental theater experience,” the Daily News’ Michael Iachetta deemed that there was “something lost in the translation, not to mention the condensing.” 

Complaining about the “not-very-soft mattresses” on the scaffolding, Iachetta found the “story is confusingly told through forward action in different time tracks so that dead characters appear on stage alive after they have been murdered.”

“‘Children’ tries to deliver too much too soon but gets A for effort,” judged the Daily News reviewer.  “Shaliko should be encouraged to try again.”

Well, Mr. Iachetta: it did.  It kept trying for 19 more years.  It never made it big—came close once or twice (Woyzeck in 1976, starring Joe Chaikin; The Yellow House, 1986)—but it made some terrific theater.  Oh, and by the way: Shaliko kept on trying to deliver too much too soon.  That was the thing about Leo Shapiro: his reach always exceeded his grasp.  He never learned; that was just the kind of guy he was.

14 November 2021

"Arts and the State"

 by Paul Mattick, Jr.

[Paul Mattick, Jr.’s essay “Arts and the State” ran in the “Books & The Arts” section of The Nation of 1 October 1990 (251.6).  It was a seminal broadside from the left in the Culture War precipitated by the right during the presidential administration of George H. W. Bush (1989-93).

[I think Mattick’s article is self-explanatory, but there are some period references that are now over 30 years old and may no longer ring bells for some readers.  So I’m going to include a list of notes at the end of the post that I hope will ease any confusion.  Words, phrases, and references that are defined or explained below are marked with an asterisk.]

Visiting the exhibition of Robert Mapplethorpe’s photographs at the Institute of Contemporary Art in Boston a month ago, it was hard at first to see what all the fuss was about.  The controversy that has dogged the show since its organization by the Institute of Contemporary Art in Philadelphia* certainly made itself felt in the huge numbers of visitors (tickets sold out well in advance) and in the aura of decorous excitement that enveloped those who managed to get in.  Most of the pictures, however, were unexciting.  With the exception of a handful of striking images from the artist’s last years, we saw celebrity portraits shot in 1940s fashion style, arty flowers, naked black men in a venerable art-nude tradition.  In a distinct area, however, reached only by waiting in a patient line of cultured scopophiles*, were the pictures which more than the others had called down upon the National Endowment for the Arts, partial funder of the Philadelphia I.C.A., the wrath of America’s self-appointed guardians of morality.

There were more flowers, more naked black men and a set of s&m photos that was undeniably gripping.  Here the subject matter overcame Mapplethorpe’s tendency to artiness and commercial finish in a set of documents with the power of the once dark and hidden brought to light.  Here are some things some people like to do, they say; this is part of our world; you can look or not, but now you know they exist, whatever you think of them.  In an age saturated with sexual imagery of all kinds, these pictures were perhaps not as disturbing as they might have been to more innocent eyes.  At any rate, the visiting public was not so horrified as to fail to crowd the museum store to purchase bookfuls of Mapplethorpe’s pictures (along with black nude-emblazoned T-shirts, floral porcelain plates and bumper stickers proclaiming support for freedom of the arts).  Nonetheless, these photographs, in the company of a few other pictures and performances, have evoked a storm of Congressional and popular indignation that now threatens to sweep away the N.E.A. itself.  This, in turn, has given rise to attempts to defend the current mode of state patronage of the arts. 

It is difficult to speak of real controversy in this area, as the two discourses at work are to a great degree at cross-purposes.  That of the naysaying politicians tends toward expressions of traditional American anti-intellectualism, portraying state arts funding as the use, basically for the gratification of a degenerate Eastern elite, of money better spent on local pork barrels and military projects.  Art, in this view, has a natural affinity with sex, subversion and fraudulence.  On the other hand, the statements of opposition to censorship and calls for arts funding by artists, dealers, other art professionals and liberal politicians take as given the social value of the arts, their consequent claim on the public purse and (with some disagreement) the current mode of distribution of the goodies.  Without being in favor of either censorship or the diversion of yet more money to produce new bombers and missiles, one may step back and attempt to rethink the question.

Lacking a feudal heritage, a tradition of princely magnificence such as that which stands behind state cultural policy in European countries, the United States has no long history of governmental patronage of the arts.  Under American law, corporations themselves were forbidden to engage in philanthropy, including support of the arts, until 1935.  Washington was supposed, in this most purely capitalist of all nations, to spend only the minimum needed to control labor and defend business’s national interests.  Theater, including opera, functioned in the nineteenth century as a commercial enterprise across the country, and the visual arts were for the most part produced for private purchase.  When growing economic power stimulated the mercantile and industrial upper classes of the later nineteenth century to call for the establishment of museums, symphony orchestras and other cultural institutions, they had to put up the money themselves.  Thus, while the revolutionary regime in France, for example, took over the King’s palace and its contents to create the Musée du Louvre for the nation, the United States did not have a National Gallery in Washington until Andrew Mellon gave his personal collection to the country and started building a structure to house it in 1938.

The arts began to attract more public attention with the start of the twentieth century, as can be seen in the national publicity gained by the Armory Show which introduced European modernism to the United States in 1913.  Whereas art and all those things called “culture” in general had earlier been largely identified with the European upper class, Regionalism, given national exposure by a Time cover story in 1934, claimed to be a uniquely American style.  At the time of the New Deal, a few farsighted individuals conceived the idea of government aid to the arts as part of the general federal effort to combat the Depression.  Two programs for the employment of artists, one run out of the Treasury Department and a much larger one as part of the Works Progress Administration [W.P.A.], represented the national government’s first entry into patronage (aside from the commissioning of official buildings, statuary and paintings).  In the view of the organizers of these projects, their long-term rationale was support for the arts as a fundamental part of American life; but they could be realized, in the face of much opposition from Congress (and professional artists’ associations, true to the principles of free enterprise), only as relief programs, employing otherwise starving (and potentially subversive) artists and preserving their productive skills during the emergency.  Both programs died, after a period of reduction, with America’s entry into the war.

Institutional concern with the arts developed markedly with the U.S. rise to world supremacy after the war.  The war reversed the normal flow of American artists to Europe, bringing refugee artists to New York and California and thus stimulating artistic life, at least on the edges of North America.  More important, its segue into the cold war joined to the growing desire of the American upper class to play social roles equal to its expanded global importance a new use for American modern art as a symbol of the advantages of a free society.  New York abstraction, still unappreciated by any sizable public, was not only promoted by the mass media that had once publicized Regionalism but was shipped around the world, along with jazz music and industrial design, by government bodies like the United States Information Agency and by the Rockefeller-dominated Museum of Modern Art.  In modern art, it seemed, America was now number one; while still incomprehensible (as critic Max Kozloff* once observed), art that celebrated the autonomy of the creative individual no longer seemed so subversive.  In the realm of classical music, Van Cliburn’s victory in a piano competition in Moscow in 1958 was an event of political as well as cultural importance.

More fundamentally, beyond issues of international political prestige and the aristocratic pretensions of the very rich, the idea was gaining ground among America’s elite—particularly in the Northeast but in a city like Chicago as well—that art is a Good Thing, a glamorous thing, even (more recently) a fun thing.  This attitude rapidly trickled down to the middle class, whose self-assertion as leading citizens of an affluent and powerful nation was expressed in a new attachment to culture.  As interest in art spread throughout the country, the 1950s saw galleries in department stores, rising museum and concert attendance and the commercial distribution of classical LPs and inexpensive reproductions of famous paintings.  Studio training and art history departments proliferated in the universities.  A handful of corporate executives, in alliance with cultural entrepreneurs like Mortimer Adler and R. M. Hutchins*, discovered that culture, whether classic or modern, could be both marketed and used as a marketing medium.

In part this reflected the changing nature of the business class; while fewer than 50 percent of top executives had some college education in 1900, 76 percent did by 1950.  The postwar rise of the professional manager helped break down the traditional barrier between the worlds of business and culture, affecting the self-image of American society as a whole.  To this was joined—with the growth of academia, research institutions and all levels of government—the emergence of the new professional-intellectual stratum, connected in spirit to the power elite in a way unknown to the alienated intelligentsia of yesteryear.  In 1952 the editors of Partisan Review introduced a symposium on “Our Country and Our Culture” with the observation that just a decade earlier, “America was commonly thought to be hostile to art and culture.  Since then, however, the tide has begun to turn. . . .  Europe. . . no longer assures that rich experience of culture which inspired and justified a criticism of American life. . . . [N]ow America has become the protector of Western civilization?”  [The editing is original with Mattick. ~Rick]

Thus politics, business and culture joined hands. Art’s growing value as an area of investment and domestic public relations could only be reinforced by its emergence as a marker of international prestige.  The Kennedys’ Camelot was a watershed, with its transformation of the Europhilia typical of the American elite into the representation of the White House as a world cultural center.  Kennedy counselor Arthur Schlesinger Jr.* put it this way, in arguing for a government arts policy: “We will win world understanding of our policy and purposes not through the force of our arms or the array of our wealth but through the splendor of our ideals?”

Such efforts both led to and were enormously enhanced by the founding of the National Endowment for the Arts in 1965 and its rapid development thereafter.  While it represented the fulfillment of ideas bruited about various levels of government since the Eisenhower days, the N.E.A. was realized as an accompaniment to Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society; like that program as a whole (and like the W.P.A.), it reflected the principle of a the state’s responsibility for those aspects of the good life not automatically taken care of by market forces.  It should not be thought that it was established without opposition (as of course no Great Society program was); in fact, the N.E.A. achieved legislative reality only as a unit of a National Foundation for the Arts and Humanities, of which the National Endowment for the Humanities was the more respectable half.  In addition, the arts were carefully defined to include the productions of the culture industry—movies, radio, fashion and industrial design—along with the traditional “high” arts.  The Endowment not only survived numerous challenges to legitimacy but saw its budget rise between 1969 and 1977 from $8 million to more than $82 million, and by 1990 to $171 million.  This, moreover, is only a portion of total arts spending, which includes sums directed, for some examples, to museum development, to the Smithsonian Institution and to projects under the aegis of the National Park System.  In addition, the big push to culture given by Congress since the mid-1960s included changes in tax laws—in recent years to a certain extent undone—encouraging donations of art and money to museums and other institutions.

One must not exaggerate: The sums spent on its arts agency by the American government have always been derisorily small, both relative to other government programs and in comparison with the spending of other industrialized capitalist nations.  West Germany, the world leader, spent about $73 per inhabitant on the arts last year; the Netherlands spent $33, and even Margaret Thatcher’s Britain laid out $12; the United States indulged its culture-mongers with a measly 71 cents per capita.  This amounted to less than 0.1 percent of the federal budget (the Smithsonian alone receives a larger appropriation than the N.E.A., as does the Pentagon’s military band program, budgeted in 1989 at $193 million).  Even this, however, has seemed too much to many conservative politicians, and the current effort to eliminate or restrict the N.E.A. must be seen as one more protest by conservative forces against a relatively novel effort with which they have never been happy.

Opposition has typically focused, throughout the short history of government arts funding, on moral and political issues as well as on the sacred character of the taxpayer’s dollar.  W.P.A. artists were attacked for painting nudes, and a photographic registry of artists’ models was held up in Congress as an example of the sort of filth that visual artists go in for (along with political imagery of the Popular Front variety).  In 1940 Senator Robert Reynolds from North Carolina (which thirty years later would send forth the scourge of the N.E.A., Jesse Helms) urged Congress to refuse to fund the federal theater project, with its “unsavory collection of communistic, un-American doctrines, its assortment of insidious and vicious ideologies” and “putrid plays.”

The N.E.A. was carefully designed to avoid many of the controversies that had swirled around the W.P.A.  The nongovernmental panel system of peer review in awarding grants both tied the endowment to arts institutions and shielded it from direct responsibility for funding decisions.  The fact that the N.E.A. provides only partial funding for any institutional project and operates largely in concert with state arts councils established a nationwide base of support and further diluted its accountability.  In addition, the bulk of its funds have gone to support politically and aesthetically conservative institutions like major art museums, orchestras and opera and ballet companies.

Nonetheless, the history of the N.E.A. is replete with an astonishing level of conflict for such a tiny agency: struggles over financing “artistic excellence” versus emphasis on “broadening access to culture”; over the support of less-than-high art and over subsidization of experimental work often unrecognized as art by the localities to which it has been offered.  In addition, the club of “family values,” that basic element of American political rhetoric since the Civil War, was wielded by the endowment’s opponents throughout the 1960s and 1970s.  Stress was laid on the effeminacy of ballet dancers, and much was made of the fact that Erica Jong thanked the endowment for aid during the writing of Fear of Flying*.

Meanwhile, what we might call the Congressional Yahoo faction came to be joined, in a curious alliance, by highbrow cultural conservatives like Hilton Kramer*, who as art critic for The New York Times criticized N.E.A. grant-making policy during the 1970s and continued his attacks as editor of The New Criterion, founded in 1982 with money from a number of right-wing sources, including the John M. Olin Foundation* [see Jon Wiener*, “Dollars for Neocon Scholars,” January 1 (insertion Mattick’s ~Rick)].  Kramer directed his polemic both at such easy targets as the logrolling habits of the N.E.A.’s grant-giving panels and at the endowment’s support for what he called “a dedicated alliance of artists, academics, and so-called activists” attempting “to politicize the life of art in this country.”  Such people were typically “opposed to just about every policy of the United States government except the one that put money in their own pockets”; giving them that money was “supplying the rope to those who are eager to see us hanged.”  The Heritage Foundation’s 1981 volume of policy recommendations for “a Conservative Administration,” Mandate for Leadership*, contained a paper on the N.E.H. and N.E.A. by Olin executive director Michael Joyce*.  After suggesting that “as a true friend of democracy, the NEH can teach the nation the limits of equalitarian [sic] impulse,” Joyce indicated the need for the N.E.A. to turn from “politically calculated goals of social policy (like the promotion of regional folk arts or attempts to reach minority audience to a renewed stress on “excellence” and the “cultivation of audiences with a true desire for high-quality artistic experience.

The Heritage Foundation’s recommendations suited the tenor of the times in this as in other areas of federal policy. Opposition to arts spending gained strength with the general turn against state expenditures (other than military ones) during the 1980s.  The Reagan government attempted to cut the endowment’s funding by half as part of David Stockman’s* implementation of what George Bush once called “voodoo economics.”  As a member of Stockman’s team explained to Livingston Biddle*, then chair of the endowment, the N.E.A. “was supporting art that the people did not want or understand, art of no real value.”  The political strength built up by the arts during the preceding fifteen years was visible, however, in the success with which this challenge was beaten back by pro-culture legislators.

The twenty-odd senators who joined Jesse Helms* last year in protesting Andres Serrano’s Piss Christ* as “shocking, abhorrent and completely undeserving any recognition whatsoever”—especially that of the N.E.A.—were thus following the example of earlier art-bashers.  One novelty of the situation was the involvement of a number of conservative direct-mail operations, like the Rev. Donald Wildmon’s American Family Association*, whose newsletter is sent to around 400,000 addresses, including more than 170,000 churches.  This sort, of outfit has generally occupied itself on the cultural front with various forms of “popular production, from politically liberal and risqué TV shows to rock-and-roll lyrics to neighborhood porn shops to movies—such as Martin Scorsese’s The Last Temptation of Christ*, which Wildmon picketed in 1988.  The extension of this malevolent interest to the high arts reflects the national media exposure won by forms of elite culture during the last decade—due in part to the efforts of the N.E.A.  The vast letter-writing campaigns that organizations like Wildmon’s are able to instigate do not seem to reflect the trend of general public opinion (according to some recent polls, at any rate), but they do represent a mass of voters willing to be mobilized, and politicians, especially those not fond of “atheistic, anti-American” imagery themselves, are ready to respond to them as they have to the anti-choicers on abortion.  When Jesse Helms, originally alerted by a Wildmon mailing to the peril to Christian values posed by the N.E.A., followed Alfonse D’Amato* in bringing it to the attention of the Senate, he met with virtually no serious resistance, and his now-famous anti-obscenity amendment*, tacked on to last year’s appropriations bill, passed with ease (its later modification left its bite intact).

However, what the future will bring the N.E.A. is far from clear.  Arts institutions and professionals have begun to rally around the endowment, and they seem to have succeeded in mustering support from the art-consuming public. A few restrictive decisions of the N.E.A. have recently been called into question or reversed.  The issue will in the short run be dealt with politically, under the constraints of re-election campaigns and Congressional wheeling and dealing.  It is possible that the arts have by now risen to such a position of ideological importance, with modernism itself a staple of the status quo, that their claims will override those of more antiquated “family values”—this is certainly true for the social system as a whole, whatever happens in Washington under the pressure of local and national politics.

Defenders of the N.E.A. and of freedom of state-funded expression tend, like their antagonists, to invoke “American values,” celebrating the arts as a natural feature of a “free society.”  A recent advertisement placed in The New York Times by the Art Dealers Association of America [“No Censorship Of Art,” under “Spring Art Showcase,” 13 May 1990, sec. 2 (“Arts & Leisure”): 34.  ~Rick] is typical in citing the Constitution and “the right of free expression which is one of the core values of a democratic society.”  This ideological unity explains how one and the same organization—Philip Morris Inc.—can support both sides of the controversy, funding the arts lavishly and distributing copies of the Bill of Rights as a promotional gimmick, while supporting the re-election campaign of Jesse Helms, a great friend of the tobacco industry.

The basic liberal argument was concisely stated by Richard Oldenburg*, director of the Museum of Modern Art in New York, writing recently in MoMA’s Members Quarterly.  He identified the two fundamental issues at stake as the continuance of government arts funding and freedom of expression.  The first is important because “support for the arts is support for creativity, a national resource essential to our future and a source of our pride and identity as a nation.”  And “creativity requires freedom of expression,” including the liberty “to explore new paths which may occasionally test our tolerance.”  Oldenburg echoes pro-art politicians and N.E.A. chair John Frohnmayer in pointing out how few grants have been controversial out of the 85,000 made since 1965.  Like any investment, investment in creativity can be expected to miss the mark occasionally, but, according to Oldenburg, “this is a small and necessary price to pay for nourishing imagination, for respecting diversity, and for protecting our rights as individuals.”  From this point of view, the only important issue is control of the grant-giving process, which should clearly be in the hands of art professionals—“experts,” as they are regularly called—rather than in the clutches of politicians, whatever their stripe.  As Anthony Lewis* put it in a summertime column in The New York Times, “When politicians get into the business of deciding what is legitimate art, the game is up.”

The other side has two basic responses to these claims.  According to Congressman Philip Crane*, “Funding art, whether that art is considered outstanding or obscene, is not a legitimate, nor is it a needed, function of the federal government.”  But in any case, he continues, if art is to receive state support, “Congress has a responsibility to its constituents to determine what type of art taxpayers’ dollars will support.”  This does not constitute censorship, such arguments go: No one is preventing artists from doing whatever kind of work they wish; but the taxpayers are under no obligation to pay for work they find senseless or offensive.

Artist friends who listen to talk radio all day in their studios tell me that this sentiment seems to be widely shared, even by many opposed to censorship of expression in the arts (this is also the implication of a recent Newsweek poll).  In part, this is no doubt a reflection of the enduring American uneasiness with sexuality, visible, for example, in the ambivalence many feel regarding the availability of pornography.  But it also seems to express resentment of artists, apparently thought of by many Americans as a species of welfare frauds, living high on the hog on government grants, free to devote themselves to their peculiar pleasures and childish occupations. 

Such attitudes have deep historical roots.  For one thing, since their elaboration as a distinct domain of activity in the centuries between the Renaissance and the Industrial Revolution, the fine arts have drawn their meaning in part from the contrast between free, creative activity and labor directed toward the earning of money.  The noncommercial soul of this department of luxury-goods production, visible particularly in the bohemian flavor of the avant-garde, is essential to art’s social role as sanctifier of a commercial society: The love of art marks the bourgeoisie as the legitimate inheritor of the civilization of the past, and heir to its ruling elites.  At the same time, it makes the artist at once an impractical, childish figure and a standing reproach to the devotees of the bottom line.  These remain important features of the modern idea of art, though that concept has been changing rapidly in recent decades, as a few artists have achieved wealth and celebrity status, while bourgeois society has become more confident about its own value system, and so more at ease with the commodity character of works of art.

Since one important social function of art in the modern world has been as an indicator of class position, it is not surprising that it is seen by many in low-income brackets as a possession of the elite.  In fact it is.  Members of the corporate elite dominate the boards of trustees that govern art institutions.  And what little statistical survey work has been done indicates that, despite the enormous enlargement of the art-consuming public since the mid-1960s, that public is still overwhelmingly drawn from upper-class and professional groups, with (for instance) blue-collar workers contributing a negligible percentage.  This lends a certain plausibility to the efforts made so kindly on their behalf by servants of social power like Jesse Helms “to stop the liberals from spending taxpayers’ money on perverted, deviant art,” as Helms put it in a fundraising letter.  But to begin with, it must be remembered that the public allegedly represented by the politicians who speak for it has very little to do with what goes on at the heights of power.  As artist Richard Bolton* pointed out in a recent article in New Art Examiner, “The recent outrage over art was not fueled by popular rebellion, but by extremists with narrow and self-serving agendas, by politicians who like to be in the news, and by a news media driven by sensationalism.”  At any rate, those who, like Times columnist William Safire*, urge an end to “forced arts-patronizing,” fail to extend the principle they invoke to other government expenditures: the millions sent to the Nicaraguan contras*, for example, or the billions expended on Star Wars and the Hubble space telescope*.  It is true, of course, that the government’s money is at base a deduction from the social product, taken from and spent without much say on the part of the producers.  To question this arrangement, however, is tantamount to demanding the abolition of the state, something hardly intended by Safire, Helms or the Heritage Foundation.

What they really have in mind, of course, is that the state should fund only art already certified as “great”—that preserved in museums and concert halls, or approved by conservative critics, the aesthetic component of the canon of cultural literacy promoted by such as Allan Bloom* (another Olin Foundation beneficiary, incidentally).  In a Times Op-Ed piece (“Say No to Trash”) commending the Corcoran Gallery in Washington for its last-minute refusal of the Mapplethorpe show, New Criterion publisher Samuel Lipman*, a Reagan appointee to the N.E.A. supervisory National Council of the Arts, urged public art support to “more fully concentrate on what it does so well: the championing of the great art of the past, its regeneration in the present and its transmission to the future.”  It should refuse to promote art whose raison d’être is its ability to outrage the public by dealing with extremities of the human condition.  More, of course, than sadomasochistic or supposedly blasphemous imagery is at stake here.  What is to go, opponents of the N.E.A. generally agree, is, above all, artists and institutions on the social fringe—gay and lesbian performance artists, feminist video makers, Latino photographers and theater groups, black poets and painters.

We are not speaking here of an avant-garde in the traditional sense. These artists are not working outside the system, but for the most part are struggling to improve their places inside it; however politically motivated or oppositional in form or content their work may be, they are on the margins of official art or even—like Mapplethorpe—well ensconced within it.  And indeed, while the Congressional philistines tend to disparage the claims of such as Serrano that they produce art at all, for a more sophisticated critic like Kramer, the issue is not, strictly speaking, an aesthetic one.  While he sadly knew of no way to exclude Mapplethorpe’s work “from the realm of art itself,” he wrote in the Times [“Is Art Above the Laws of Decency?” New York Times 2 July 1989, sec. 2 (“Arts & Leisure”): 1,7  ~Rick], the problem is that “not all forms of art are socially benign in either their intentions or their effects.”  Despite Kramer’s frequent fulminations against the intrusion of political values into the realm of art, he here demanded that a “social or moral standard” be consulted in determining what sort of art the government should support.

For Kramer, like Lipman, the misdeeds of the N.E.A. reflect the decline of decency throughout the culture, in high and popular art alike, and so the erosion of the power of those who think like him.  “Unfortunately,” Kramer wrote, “professional opinion in the art world can no longer be depended upon to make wise decisions in these matters.”  For Helms and Co. the arts represent an issue far easier to campaign on than the savings and loan scandal* or the coming depression.  For art institutions, too, the struggle over the N.E.A. provides a comfortable spot to take a stand.  One museum curator remarked to me how handily protesting the threat of N.E.A. censorship obviated paying attention to the everyday censorship that goes on in the bulwarks of culture.  Every choice of an exhibition to mount or a program to perform, of course, implies a decision not to show or play something else.  Such choices are powerfully subject to forces emanating from donors and potential donors, corporate sponsors and the tastes of the sought-after audience.  The most visible case is the deadly limitation of orchestral and opera repertories to a small number of works that can be depended on not to disturb listeners; it is well known that the playing of too much twentieth-century music, for instance, leads directly to a decline in ticket sales and diminished support.  A more blatantly political example was the Boston Pops Orchestra’s refusal to honor its contract for a performance by Vanessa Redgrave* after her statements in favor of Palestinian claims to nationhood; a famous case from the land of modern art was the Guggenheim’s cancellation of Hans Haacke’s* planned solo show in 1971 when the artist refused to withdraw three works judged “inappropriate” by the director of the museum.

The N.E.A. has indeed provided space at the margins which made life easier for many artists and provided an expansion of cultural production beyond that which would have been fostered by the market or private philanthropy alone.  To take the case of theater, for example, while there were just fifty-six nonprofit theaters in the United States in 1965, there are more than 400 at present—and every Pulitzer Prize-winning play since 1976 has had its initial production at a nonprofit.  Given the endowment’s important role in direct arts financing and in stimulating private patronage (on average, N.E.A. funding brings with it three times as much in private and state moneys) in the mainstream as well as at the margins, the Helms amendment and its ilk have a chilling effect on artists and institutions.  I am not qualified to judge whether restrictions such as those proposed by Helms are, as some lawyers claim, unconstitutional.  But that is certainly political—it is the use of the state to foster some tastes at the expense of others—and it is certainly censorship.  Lipman makes the issue clear: “In a free society, it is neither possible nor desirable to go very far [!] in prohibiting the private activities that inspire this outré art,” he wrote apropos of Mapplethorpe.  But, he continues, to believe that “because we are not compelled to witness what we as individuals find morally unacceptable, we cannot refuse to make it available for others” ignores the dreadful effects of “this decadence” on us and our children and “our responsibility for others.”  The president of the Massachusetts branch of Morality in Media* put it more pithily: “People looking at these kind of pictures become addicts and spread AIDS.”

This faith in the power of images for good or evil appears to involve a deep suspicion that seemingly decent Americans will be overwhelmed by dark forces within them that such images might unleash.  It is no accident that the assault on the N.E.A. gathered steam during the regime that produced the Meese Report on obscenity*.  The current denunciations of “filth” continue key aspects of the traditional discourse on pornography: When Helms displayed the offending Mapplethorpes to his colleagues in the Senate, he first asked that the room be cleared of women and children.  Sexual imagery, however distasteful, is permissible as the private possession of (exclusive groups of) males.  What has made pictures like Mapplethorpe’s an issue is, in Kramer’s words, “the demand that is now being made to accord these hitherto forbidden images the status of perfectly respectable works of art,” thus eligible for exhibition in public institutions.  Kramer, like other antipornographers, is no doubt fighting a losing battle; the principle of the free-enterprise system so loved by all the advocates of decency—we may note here the double celebrity of Charles Keating*, once chief enemy of sin in Cincinnati and now defending his haul from the Lincoln savings and loan—that the customer is always right, leads ineluctably to the free flow of all categories of images throughout society.  And art, having for centuries been a home of the erotic and (especially since the invention of photography) the documentary, is hardly likely to cease supplying images of powerful and fascinating sorts to publics seeking titillation, exaltation or even the shock of the horrific.  

The argument that the state ought not to fund work repugnant to “community standards” is not a good one, since it rests on the idea of a homogeneous community, with clearly demarcated standards, which does not in fact exist.  (This is of course a basic problem with the going legal definition of obscenity, even apart from that definition’s dependence on such undefined concepts as an appeal to “prurient interest” and lack of serious “artistic value.”)  On the other hand, the argument that art should be allowed to develop freely typically rests (as in Oldenburg’s formulation quoted above) on the assumption that the development of the arts represents an interest of “society”—a unified interest that also does not exist.  Present-day society is made up not only of classes with antagonistic interests but of a multitude of groups whose differences are expressed in aesthetic as well as other terms.  For this reason, the idea that there exists an aesthetic sphere untouched by social and political meaning is an ideological fiction, one recognized even in the muddled thinking of a would-be censor like Kramer.  The problem is not that art has been politicized; the existence of state funding shows that the generally hidden political side of the arts has existed all along.  The struggle over the N.E.A. is a struggle for control of this political side.

If the N.E.A. is eliminated or seriously restricted, the loss of funds will be a tragedy for many artists and art institutions, though a smaller one than the loss of school lunches or federally funded abortions taken away from other sectors of society as part of the same political effort.  Despite the stimulus of this threat (and its so-far-piecemeal realization), it is not to be expected that many artists or the art business and its hangers-on will come out in clear opposition to the social order to which they must look for support.  We can expect the next year to bring large helpings of explicitly political art, in many cases reflecting no great understanding of the nature of contemporary society but riding what is already visible as a new wave of “official”—shown, funded and collected—art.  We may also see intelligent and effective political art, such as the exemplary work done (without benefit of government grants) by graphic artists associated with ACT UP*.  Other artists will continue to utilize and transform the resources of their mediums to explore and shape their experience in ways not explicitly political.  For all concerned with the arts, however, the current struggle over funding constitutes a call to grapple with the political issues inherent in artworks and institutions.

Defending art and artists against both the know-nothings and the champions of Kramer’s version of “the high purposes and moral grandeur” of art should lead us not to blind support of the N.E.A. but, for instance, to pondering its function as a facilitator of the aesthetic rituals of upper-class life.  We might consider the use of cultural events as meeting places for politicians and businesspeople.  We might take on the politics of the art world itself; as an editorial in New Art Examiner* asked, “While it is necessary to rally the field against censorship by the right, why is it not necessary to rally the field against censorship by insiders?  Why shouldn’t we deal with the abuses of a closed panel system?  Why shouldn’t we examine the cronyism of organizations, artist’s spaces, and publications, who year after year receive NEA funding, and who supply the NEA with peer review panel members and site visitors?”  Short of radical social transformation, of course, few changes are to be expected in the workings of the institution of art.  But the discussion opened up by Senator Helms and his friends can lead us to ponder the nature of the institution, and of the different roles that the arts could play for artists and publics seeking to redefine them and their place in social life.

For those of us who take a critical stance toward the existing social system, the Wildmons and Lipmans must be resisted—not, however, in the name of the myths of American democracy or the transcendent value of art but simply in opposition to reaction.  What is objectionable about the attacks on the Mapplethorpe exhibition, Piss Christ, Karen Finley* et al. is not the injection of politics into the sacred precincts of art by a bunch of barbarians.  It is the right-wing agenda itself—the call for austerity and the distrust of creativity in all spheres of life other than those of corporate profitability.  Opposing this means the effort to explore, in analysis and, where possible, in practice, the complex relations of art to present-day society and to the possibility of changing it.

Institute of Contemporary Art in Philadelphia – inaugurated Robert Mapplethorpe: The Perfect Moment on 9 December 1988-29 January 1989; NEA gave $30,000 to Philadelphia I.C.A. for the exhibit; show moved to Boston, 1 August-4 October 1990.  Robert Mapplethorpe (1946-89) was an American photographer known for his black-and-white photographs.  His work featured celebrity portraits, male and female nudes, self-portraits, and still-life images.  His most controversial works documented the gay male BDSM subculture of New York City in the late 1960s and early 1970s.

scopophile – one who derives sexual pleasure by openly observing genitalia and sexual acts, as opposed to a voyeur, who watches in secret.

Max Kozloff – (b. 1933); American art historian, art critic of modern art, and photographer.  He’s been art editor at The Nation, and executive editor of Artforum.  His essay “American Painting During the Cold War” (Artforum 1973) is of particular importance to the criticism of American Abstract Expressionism.

Mortimer Jerome Adler – (1902-2001); philosopher, educator, encyclopedist, and popular author.  Robert Maynard Hutchins – (1899-1977); educational philosopher.  Together, Adler and Hutchins founded the Great Books of the Western World program and the Great Books Foundation.

Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. – (1917-2007); historian, social critic, and public intellectual.  He was a specialist in American history and much of his work explored the history of 20th-century American liberalism.  Schlesinger served as special assistant and “court historian” to President Kennedy from 1961 to 1963.

Fear of Flying – 1973 novel by Erica Jong (b. 1942).  It became controversial for its portrayal of female sexuality, and figured in the development of second-wave feminism.

Hilton Kramer – (1928-2012); art critic for New York Times, 1965-82; founder of New Criterion, 1982 to his death (see my post “Culture War,” 6 February 2014). 

John M. Olin Foundation – New York-based foundation established1953, which grew out of a family manufacturing business (chemical and munitions), funds right-wing think tanks; closed 2005.

Jon Wiener, “Dollars for Neocon Scholars”The Nation 250.1 (1 Jan. 1990): 12-14.

Mandate for LeadershipMandate for Leadership: Policy Management in a Conservative Administration, ed  Charles L. Heatherly (Washington: Heritage Foundation, 1981); also Mandate for Leadership III: Policy Strategies for the 1990s, ed. Charles L. Heatherly and Burton Yale Pines (Washington: Heritage Foundation, 1989); other volumes.  (The “Conservative Administration” of the first essay’s title was certainly President Ronald Reagan’s, 1981-89, followed by President George H. W. Bush’s administration, 1989-93.)  The Heritage Foundation is a highly influential conservative think tank in Washington, D.C.

Michael Joyce – (1942-2006); executive director of Olin Foundation.

David Stockman – (b. 1946); President Ronald Reagan’s director, Office of Management and Budget, 1981-85.

Livingston Biddle – Livingston Ludlow Biddle, Jr. (1918-2002); chairman, NEA, 1977-81; liaison director, NEA, 1974-75.

Jesse Helms – Jesse Alexander Helms Jr. (1921-2008); Senator from North Carolina, 1973-2003.  The most stridently conservative politician of the post-1960s era, Helms opposed the NEA and government arts funding in general.

Andres Serrano’s Piss Christ – Serrano (b. 1950) is an American photographer and artist; his Immersion (Piss Christ) is a 1987 photograph of a small plastic crucifix submerged in a small glass tank of the artist's urine which won the Southeastern Center for Contemporary Art’s “Awards in the Visual Arts” competition in Winston-Salem, North Carolina, sponsored in part by the NEA.  The work and the sponsorship of the competition generated controversy because it was called blasphemous by Christians, conservatives, and NEA opponents.

Rev. Donald Wildmon’s American Family Association – Wildmon (b. 1938) is an ordained United Methodist minister, author, and former radio host; he’s founder and chairman emeritus of the American Family Association and American Family Radio.  The AFA is a fundamentalist Christian organization founded in 1977; it opposes LGBT rights and expression, pornography, and abortion.  The AFA has repeatedly lobbied Congress to eliminate funding for the National Endowment for the Arts.

The Last Temptation of Christ – 1988, Universal Pics. & Cineplex-Odeon Films; directed by Martin Scorsese. 

Alfonse D’Amato – (b. 1937); Republican Senator from New York, 1980-1998. 

anti-obscenity amendment – also known as the Helms amendment; a provision added to the 1989 Interior Appropriations bill that forbade federal funding of “obscene” art.

Richard Oldenburg – (b. 1933); Director of MOMA, 1972-94.

Anthony Lewis . . . column in The New York Times – “Abroad at Home: Fight the Philistines,” 8 June 1990, sec. A: 31.

Congressman Philip Crane – Philip M. Crane (1930-2014); Republican from Illinois, 1969-2005.

Richard Bolton . . . in New Art Examiner – possibly “The Cultural Contradictions of Conservatism," New Art Examiner 17.2 (June 1990): 24-29, 72.

Times columnist William Safire – “Essay: Stop Subsidizing The Arts,” New York Times 18 May 1990, sec. A:31.

Nicaraguan contras – various U.S.-backed right-wing rebel groups active from 1979 to the early 1990s in opposition to the Marxist Sandinista Junta of National Reconstruction Government in Nicaragua which came to power in 1979 following the Nicaraguan Revolution.

Star Wars and the Hubble space telescope – the Hubble telescope is certainly still well known; Star Wars was the derisive nickname for the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), a missile defense system intended to protect the United States from attack, proposed in 1983 by President Reagan.  Its mission was changed and it was renamed in 1993 under President Bill Clinton.

Allan Bloom – (1930-92); philosopher, classicist, and academician.  He became famous for his criticism of contemporary American higher education, expressed in his 1987 book, The Closing of the American Mind.  The media labeled him a conservative, but Bloom denied he was one.

“Say No to Trash,” Samuel Lipman – “Dialogue: Art and the Taxpayer’s Money Corcoran: Courage or Cowardice?; Say No To Trash,” New York Times 23 June 1989, sec. A: 29.  Samuel Lipman – (1934-94); National Council on the Arts, 1982-88; cofounder of New Criterion, 1982.

savings and loan scandal – dubbed the “S&L crisis,” this was the failure of 1,043 out of the 3,234 savings and loan associations (S&L’s) in the United States from 1986 to 1995.

Boston Pops Orchestra . . . Vanessa Redgrave – cancellation (Boston Symphony Orchestra), April 1982.

Guggenheim’s cancellation of Hans Haacke’s . . . showConfronting Bodies, 30 April 1971; canceled on 1 April because his show dealt with “specific social situations” not considered art; one work, Shapolsky et al. Manhattan Real Estate Holdings, A Real Time Social System, as of May 1, 1971 exposed the questionable transactions of Harry Shapolsky’s real-estate business between 1951 and 1971.  Haacke (b.1936) is a German-born artist who lives and works in New York City.

Morality in Media – now reorganized and renamed as the National Center on Sexual Exploitation; non-profit, largely Catholic organization known for its anti-pornography stance and anti-sex trafficking advocacy; versions of the group campaigned against obscenity, sex shops and sex toys, decriminalization of sex work, comprehensive sex education, and various works of literature or visual arts the organization has deemed obscene, profane or indecent.

Meese Report on obscenityfinal report of the Attorney General’s Commission on Pornography (sometimes called The Meese Report for U.S. Attorney General Edwin Meese [b. 1933], 1981-85), published in 1986; the result of a comprehensive investigation into pornography ordered by President Reagan.

Charles Keating – Charles H. Keating III (1923-2014); felon convicted of fraud in the savings and loan scandal of 1989; prior to his arrest, he was a lawyer, a banker, and he was noted as a vehement anti-pornography campaigner; in September 1990, criminally charged with duping Lincoln Savings and Loan Association’s (Irvine, CA) customers into buying worthless junk bonds of American Continental Corporation; convicted in state court in 1992 of fraud, racketeering, and conspiracy and received a 10 year prison sentence; in January 1993, a federal conviction followed, with a 12 and a half year sentence; spent 4½ years in prison, but both sentences were eventually overturned.

ACT UP – AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power; an international, grassroots political group working to improve the lives of people with AIDS through direct action, medical research, treatment, and advocacy, and working to change legislation and public policies; formed in March 1987 from the inspiration of Larry Kramer (1935-2020), playwright and AIDS activist.

editorial in New Art Examiner – probably “Editorials: Washington, D.C.,” 18.9 (Oct. 1990): 9; other possubilities: 17.1 (Sum. ’90): 7; 17.2 (June ’90): 7; “Artists Challenge Anti-Obscenity Pledge,” 17.2 (June ’90): 15.

Karen Finley – (b. 1956); performance artist, musician, poet, and activist; her work frequently uses nudity and profanity.  In 1990, Finley was one of the “NEA Four”—four performance artists (the others were Tim Miller [b. 1958], John Fleck [b. 1951], and Holly Hughes [b.1955]) whose grants from the National Endowment for the Arts were vetoed by John Frohnmayer (b. 1942), chairman of the NEA (1989-92), appointed by President George H. W. Bush, after the process was condemned by Jesse Helms for “decency” issues.

[Paul Mattick, Jr. (b. 1944), is a Marxist theorist and philosopher, the son of German émigrés Paul Mattick, Sr. (1904-1981), and Ilse Mattick (née Hamm, 1919-2009).  He obtained his Ph.D. in philosophy from Harvard in 1981, and taught philosophy at the New England Conservatory of Music, Bennington College, and Adelphi University, where he was chairman of the department.

[He was involved in the council communist group Root and Branch, which sporadically published a magazine/pamphlet series of the same name, starting in 1969.  (Council communists are anti-Leninist-Stalinists who oppose state socialism and advocate workers’ councils and council democracy.)

[Paul Mattick, Jr., was the editor of the International Journal of Political Economy, and is the author of Social Knowledge: An Essay on the Nature and Limits of Social Science (1986; reissued, 2020), Art in Its Time: Theories and Practices of Modern Aesthetics (2003), Business as Usual: The Economic Crisis and the Failure of Capitalism (2011), and Theory as Critique: Essays on Capital (2018).  He’s been the “Field Notes” (politics) editor of the Brooklyn Rail since 2014.

[Arts funding is a subject of great interest and concern to me, as ROTters will doubtless know.  There are numerous posts on Rick On Theater that cover the funding of the arts and the cultures wars.  These include “Degrading the Arts,” 13 August 2009; “The First Amendment & The Arts,” 8 May 2010; "‘The Arts Are Under Attack (Again!)’" by Paul Molloy, 22 May 2011; “The Return of HIDE/SEEK,” 4 January 2012; “Culture War,” 6 February 2014; “The First Amendment & The Arts, Redux,” 13 February 2015; “‘Observations: A New Deal for the Arts’” by Paul Goodman, 18 September 2019.]