15 July 2014

'Italian Futurism'



I brought my mom up to New York City for a visit in the middle of June and because it’d been so long since we took in a real art exhibit, we decided to go up to the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum on Fifth Avenue at 89th Street to catch Italian Futurism, 1909–1944: Reconstructing the Universe, running there from 21 February to 1 September 2014.  Having bought our tickets on line the day before (advance tix are only available on line at least 24 hours before the visit), we went uptown on Monday, 23 June, where I got Mother a wheechair to negotiate the spiral ramp at the Goog, and we took the elevator to the 6th floor to work our way down.  (I wasn’t about to push Mom up the ramp—I’m not all that spry my own self these days!)  I hadn’t been to the Guggenheim for several years (the last time may have been for Aztec Empire in 2004), but I thought I recalled that the shows started at the top of the helix and ended at the ground level, but either I remember wrong, the museum’s changed its practice, or this show is arranged backwards, so we actually ended up seeing the display from back to front, that is, from the ’forties down to the ’teens.  It was a little disorienting, trying to rearrange the development and history into ascending chronological order in my mind as we went along—adding new information to the start of every developmental step at each level rather than the normal process of accumulating new information sequentially.  It was counterintuitive, and not a few times I had one of those “so that’s where that came from” or “that’s what that was referring to” revelations.

Italian Futurism reminded me a lot of Dada, the show I saw at the National Gallery in Washington and MoMA in New York in 2006 and ’07 (my report on which I posted on ROT on 20 February 2010), not only because the movements overlapped—Futurism, arguably one of the lesser known developments in the arts, lasted from 1909 till the end of World War II, as the exhibit’s title suggests; Dada went from 1916 to about 1924, essentially the post-World War I period—but like Dada, I knew little about Futurism and found I had to read most of the explanatory panels for each section of the show as well as for each work of art at which we paused.  (Also like Dada, Italian Futurism turned out to be a delightful, enjoyable, and eye-opening art experience.  But I’ll be getting to that shortly.)  

Unlike most art and cultural movements, we can date the origin of Futurism with specificity (another parallel to Dadaism, by the way).  On 5 February 1909, poet Filippo Tommaso Marinetti published “Manifesto del futurismo” in a Bologna newspaper (and later, as “Manifeste du futurisme” on the front page of the Paris daily Le Figaro on 20 February 1909).  It was an aggressive and even belligerent statement of principals—the Futurists apparently didn’t have the sense of humor that the Dadaists had, even though the Dada movement was a direct response to the horrors of mechanized global warfare as the artists experienced it during the Great War.  The Futurists celebrated rather than decried modernism and the society-shaking developments of machines and electrification, speed (locomotives, automobiles, and eventually airplanes), long-distance communication (telegraph, telephone, and radio), and even space travel (which was still a fantasy in the 1920s and ’30s when it figured in Futurist art).  Intensely patriotic and enamored of violence from their inception, the Futurists were largely supportive of, first, Italy’s entrance into World War l, and then Benito Mussolini and his National Fascist Party.  (Mussolini, elected to head Italy’s government in 1922, is featured prominently in several Futurist art works on display in the Guggenheim exhibit, such as 1935’s Fascist Synthesis by Alessandro Bruschetti.  The movement came to an end with the death of Marinetti in 1944, one year after the Fascists were ousted from Italy’s leadership in 1943.)  The New York Times’s Roberta Smith called the movement “noisily contradictory,” noting that it was simultaneously “aesthetically revolutionary and politically reactionary.”  

Among the movement’s stated principals were these declarations:

We will glorify war—the world’s only hygiene—militarism, patriotism, the destructive gesture of freedom-bringers, beautiful ideas worth dying for, and scorn for woman.

We will destroy the museums, libraries, academies of every kind, will fight moralism, feminism, every opportunistic or utilitarian cowardice.

Note not only the insurrectionary sentiment, but the strident language Marinetti used.  Indeed, the poet (Futurism was originally a literary movement before taking in the visual and performing arts, as well as architecture, fashion, home decor, advertising, and politics), promised: “It is from Italy that we launch through the world this violently upsetting incendiary manifesto of ours.”  The Futurists denied the past and meant to create an entirely new culture.  They expected their movement to lead to an actual revolution intended to influence social thinking as well as the arts. 

The Futurists were also adamantly nationalist (note Fortunato Depero’s 1935 mural-sized sketch for the mosaic Proclamation and Triumph of the National Flag), unlike the Dadaists who were staunchly internationalistic.  While Dadaism had many centers—Zurich, Paris, Berlin, Hanover, Cologne, New York—Futurism was almost exclusively an Italian movement.  (There was a small echo of Futurism in Moscow, mostly a literary force, but like Constructivism, a contemporaneous modernist movement centered in Russia around the time of the Bolshevik Revolution, it was smothered in its infancy when Stalin took over the reins of the Soviet state after Lenin’s death.)  As Mussolini and the Fascists drew a line directly connecting modern Italy with its Roman past (the fasces, the emblem and namesake of Mussolini’s party, was a Roman symbol of state authority), the Futurists celebrated technical advancements with which the country was prominently associated, particularly radio (pioneered by Guglielmo Marconi, 1874-1937) and aviation (long after Leonardo da Vinci’s fanciful flying machine designs , there were, among others, Enrico Forlanini, 1848-1930, who built an unmanned helicopter in 1877; Giuseppe Cei, 1889-1911, who flew around the Eiffel tower in 1911; Enea Bossi, Sr., 1888-1963, who was the first to cross the Andes Mountains in a balloon in 1916; Giuseppe Mario Bellanca, 1886-1960, designer of the first enclosed monoplane cabin in 1917; Gaetano Arturo Crocco, 1877-1968, an early flight pioneer, contemporaneous with the Wrights, who built the first liquid-propellant rocket motors in 1929).  

Declaring that “we want no part of it, the past,” and celebrating change, originality, and innovation, Futurism focused on the emerging urban world and those who lived and worked in the city, including factories, eschewing the farmer, the peasant, the country folk who’d been a frequent subject of the 19th-century art of Romanticism, Realism, and Impressionism.  Emphasizing the speed, energy, dynamism, and power of machines and the vitality, change, and restlessness of modern life, the Futurists discarded all that was old and traditional, and glorified technology, machines, industry, gadgets, noise, commotion, movement, violence, and youth.  While the Dada artists were aghast at the brutality and mechanized death of World War I, the Futurists welcomed the war’s outbreak as a chance to destroy the old, to cleanse the static and decaying society of its outmoded ways, reactionary thinking, and old-fashioned art.  (Many Futurists enlisted in the Italian military when the war broke out.  Some of the movement’s leaders died in the conflict, including architect Antonio Sant’Elia, 1888-1916, whose drawings La Città Nuova [“New City”] and Station for Trains and Airplanes, both 1914, are in the exhibit, and Umberto Boccioni, 1882-1916, who was drafted into the cavalry and had been the principal author of “The Manifesto of the Futurist Painters,” 1910, and “Technical Manifesto of Futurist Sculpture,” 1912; Marinetti, a volunteer in the Lombard cyclists battalion, was seriously wounded in the Eighth Battle of the Isonzo River, Slovenia, in 1917 and decorated for bravery.)  

Futurist art never differentiated between abstract and representational, combining a symbolic imagery with impressionistic but literal depictions of figures and objects.  (Realism could even make significant appearances, such as the portraits of Il Duce and others that figure in some of the works.)  The art is powerful, muscular, masculine (conspicuously misogynistic, Futurism had only a few female adherents, among them Benedetta Cappa, known simply as Benedetta, who married Marinetti in 1923, and also Valentine de Saint-Point, who composed the 1913 “Manifesto of Futurist Woman”), and extremely colorful, with bright blues, oranges, yellows, and reds featured liberally in the canvases.  The most frequent motifs are machines, cars, and planes, but there are human and animal figures and other objects in the works, as well as geometric shapes and expressionistic swirls, washes, and splashes of color or black and gray.  (It’s odd, and I can’t explain the technique the artists used to accomplish it, but despite the bright and vibrant colors in most of the paintings, many are still dark and shadowy, giving them an ominous or threatening aspect, as if dense clouds had just closed in on a previously sun-lit landscape or brightly lit room and the painter had caught the instant of lowering darkness.  Morris Louis, an Abstract Expressionist and Colorist of the mid-20th century, painted canvases with rainbow-bright pigments which he then covered with black or brown, but that’s not what the Futurists have done.  It will take another painter to explain how they did this, I imagine.)  

The Futurists were vague about their unifying style and themes, declaring in the 1910 “Technical Manifesto of Futurist Painting” that their aim was a “universal dynamism” which they’d represent in their art.  The brilliant colors the painters used were initially broken into dots and stripes instead of blended (a technique known as Divisionism), forcing the spectator to integrate them subconsciously.  After 1911 (when Futurist artists Boccioni and Carlo Carrà visited Gino Severini, who lived in Paris), they encountered Cubism and adopted that movement’s methods, giving the Futurists a way to portray the dynamism they admired in the modern world in their paintings, drawings, and sculptures, characterized by vigorous motion and fractured forms.  (Marcel Duchamp’s 1912 Nude Descending a Staircase is a perfect example of this kind of imagery.  It’s not in the Goog exhibit, but ironically was rejected by the Cubists as too Futurist.  Several works in Italian Futurism bear a superficial resemblance to Duchamp’s iconic painting.)  In the 1920s, the Futurists introduced arte meccanica, works expressing the aesthetics of the machine; the 1930s brought aeropittura, with its abstract aerial imagery.  

Perspectives are often from the ground looking up at vertiginous heights (Mario Chiattone’s Buildings for a Modern Metropolis, 1914) or, more innovatively still, from an aerial point of view, as if the painter were in a plane looking down—even at a parachutist in mid-drop (Tullio Crali’s Before the Parachute Opens, 1939).  Along with the machines, automobiles, and trains (and later planes and even spaceships— depictions of moving vehicles), urban scenes, frequently showing construction and manual labor, typified Futurist art.  They saw the world as in constant motion and their art aspired to express the “interior essence” of the objects depicted.  (The “Technical Manifesto of Futurist Sculpture” lays out the principals of dynamism for the three-dimensional art that’s aimed at the realization of the relationship between an object and its environment.)    

The exhibit at the Goog, organized by the museum’s Senior Curator of 19th- and Early 20th-Century Art, Vivien Greene, includes over 360 works by more than 80 artists, architects, designers, photographers, and writers.  Among the paintings, drawings, sculptures, photos, and other art works are many of the Futurists’ manifestos.  (They published dozens; as David Freedlander observes on the Daily Beast: “[P]erhaps no collection of artists could manifest quite like the Futurists.”  These documents were usually distributed free on the streets or sometimes dropped from planes.)  According to the Guggenheim, Italian Futurism, 1909–1944: Reconstructing the Universe is the first comprehensive retrospective of the movement to be shown in the United States.  (Maika Pollack on Gallerist posits that “Futurism’s link with fascism may be why museums have shied away from the subject in the past.”)  Some of the works on display have seldom been seen by the public and others have never traveled outside Italy.  The works are arranged in essentially chronological order, generally separated into decades from the 1910s at the base of the ramp up through the ’20s, the ’30s, to the ’40s, taking up almost the entire museum (with the exception of a couple of side galleries devoted to non-Futurist exhibits).  The displays mix paintings and drawings with architectural sketches, advertising posters and objects, sculptures, toys, furniture, clothes, ceramics, photographs, and printed matter.  

Along some walls are also videos of Futuristic film works and one gallery contains items, including videos, related to Futurist theater and performance (programs, posters, set and costume designs, and so on).  Marinetti had published “The Variety Theatre” in 1913 in which he’d claimed that traditional theater merely “vacillates stupidly between historical reconstruction (pastiche or plagiarism) and photographic reproduction of our daily life,” but the “Variety Theatre . . . proposes to distract and amuse the public with comic effects, erotic stimulation, or imaginative astonishment,” “seeking the audience’s collaboration” so that it “forcibly drags the slowest souls out of their torpor and forces them to run and jump.”  Futurist painter and scenographer Enrico Prampolini published “Futurist Stage Design” (1915) in which he called for a break with the contemporary “static stage” that’s “a photographic enlargement of a rectangle of reality” to replace it with a “dynamic stage” in order to “live out the dramatic action” and “become an integral part of it.”  Prampolini proposed banning painted scenery, replacing it with “a colorless electromechanical architectural structure, enlivened by chromatic waves from a source of light.”  

Like Dada, Italian Futurism is a big show, with many works by many different artists.  That can make it hard for me to sort out and develop any kind of unified experience from it aside from awe.  While there were many Dadaists of whom I’d never heard, I knew a lot of the names and the work of a number of the artists in that exhibit before I went in, which helped me a little make a coherent experience out of it.  But with the Futurists, there was only one whose name I’d encountered before (Fortunato Depero, and my connection to him was pretty tangential to this show—though I may get around to explaining it later if it comes up)—so the art and the artists, not to mention the philosophy and ideas they expressed, were all new to me.  (I’d heard of Futurism in the vaguest sense, of course, and one of my NYU profs, Michael Kirby, was the author of Futurist Performance, so I had some general familiarity with what Futurism was about.)  Mother and I decided to go up to the Guggenheim partly because Italian Futurism promised to be an interesting art experience, but also partly because we hadn’t been to anything in a long time and we just wanted to find an art show of almost any acceptable type.  (We’d gone to movies from the same impetus, though not always with the same pleasant result.  An alternative choice was a Mark Rothko show at one of New York‘s commercial galleries, but it was closed on both Sunday and Monday, so we committed to the Goog and Futurism.)  

Even though we saw the exhibit from the end to the start, I’m going to try to describe it and assess my experience in the chronological order Italian Futurism was meant to be seen.  The first gallery is a small selection of Futurist sculptures, notably Development of a Bottle in Space (1912) and Unique Forms of Continuity in Space (1913) by Boccioni.  The latter is a striking and powerful evocation in gleaming bronze of a muscular human form, almost as if clad in armor, striding along, evoking flames, speed, strength, and energy.  Also on display here is Boccioni’s grotesque Antigraceful (1913), characterized by Lance Esplund in the Wall Street Journal as “an overwrought, misunderstood version of Picasso's first sculpted Cubist head” which “breaks free from a surrounding frame, which slices through the head like a guillotine.”  As its title implies, it’s the opposite of grace and beauty (it’s supposed to be the sculptor’s mother), a thumbed nose at the traditions of conventional art.  As Ariella Budick asserts in the Financial Times, the artist “dismantled old pieties and rebuilt awkwardness into dynamic elegance.”  

As a number of reviewers point out, the Guggenheim’s unique space, with its white walls and sloping, spiral walkway, sets off Italian Futurism extraordinarily.  It was almost as if Frank Lloyd Wright had expressly designed his iconic museum for a display of the aggressively modernist, iconoclastic works of Futurism.  (Marinetti explicitly eschewed museums for the art of his movement, but I wonder if they’d have made an exception for the Goog since it, too, broke the mold of art-exhibition space.)  The Boccioni sculptures are an example: standing alone in the small High Gallery, surrounded by white walls, even the hideous Antigraceful creates a striking impression that drew me in from the walking path.  (I parked Mother in her wheelchair momentarily so I could go up and see what this piece and the surrounding display were about.)  Needless to add, the manner of the exhibition was a large part of what made this visit such a special experience—the opposite of, say, the old Barnes Collection in Merion, Pennsylvania (before it moved to new digs in Philadelphia), which was such a hodge-podge of paintings, crowded haphazardly on dark-paneled walls, that it became tiring to peer at them to find those of particular interest.  In Italian Futurism, even works or items that might otherwise have raised little curiosity in me became objects of fascination. 

Boccioni’s figures were part of the period known as “heroic” Futurism, which stretched from the initiation of the movement until the middle of the Great War, about 1916 (the year two of the movement’s leaders died on the battlefield).  This was the period of fascination with industry, machinery, speed, and urban environments.  It was more utopian and exploratory than the later period, the so-called Second Futurism that followed the war.  (The following year, the United States declared war on Germany and the Bolshevik revolution toppled the Russian tsar and eventually replaced the Russian Empire with the Soviet Union.  In 1919, fearing a similar upheaval in Italy, Marinetti and the major Futurists allied with Mussolini and his Fascist Party.)  Boccioni’s Dynamism of a Cyclist (1913), for example, is an expression of pure, wild energy in vibrant yellow, blue, green, and red swirls of paint, overlapping and rearranging themselves into an abstraction of speed and vitality.  Giacomo Balla’s The Hand of the Violinist (1912), initially influenced by photography, shows a moving violinist’s hand on the instrument’s neck in repeated sequence (like a multiple exposure photo), and Automobile in corsa (“Speed of the car,” 1913), a study of speed, are other examples.

Following World War I, Futurism expanded rapidly into other areas of art and culture, including performance.  Marinetti had included serate, Futurist performance evenings (which some historians consider the origin of performance art), in his original concept for the movement.  In a side gallery, Fortunato Depero’s designs and marionettes for his Balli Plastici (1918) and Balla’s detailed diagrams for the lighting design of Igor Stravinsky’s Fireworks (1916; staged in 1917) are on exhibit.  Depero and Balla coined the Futurist phrase opera d’arte totale (“total work of art”), clearly a take on the concept of the Gesamtkunstwerk Richard Wagner wrote about in 1900.  The idea was that the spectator would be enveloped in an entirely Futurist environment, designed to be of one single aesthetic.  (This notion, carried to its logical extreme, was also the foundation for Depero and Balla’s 1915 manifesto, “Futurist Reconstruction of the Universe,” which gives the Goog’s exhibit its title.)

Depero’s Balli Plastici (“plastic ballets” or “plastic dances”) was a Futurist performance conceived for machine-inspired puppets which would replace human actors and dancers, set to compositions by various Futurist and experimental musical artists.  Designed in 1917, the dances, casting technology in the lead role with the mechanical meeting the fantastical, were presented at the Teatro dei Piccoli (Children’s Theater) in Rome the next year.  (Depero was one of the rare Futurists who had a sense of humor, or at least whimsy.  He also designed Futurist toys, a set of colorful fabric-collage men’s vests, and advertisements for Campari and Vanity Fair, examples of all of which are on display at the Goog.)  On exhibit in Italian Futurism are some of his whimsical marionettes and scenic sketches, as well as posters for performances.  (Balli Plastici was performed eleven times; considered novel, its reception was unenthusiastic—though Marinetti reportedly loved the work.)  Balla conceived of his Fireworks, produced by Serge Diaghilev’s Ballets Russes at the Teatro Costanzi, Rome Teatro Costanzi, Rome Teatro Costanzi, RomeTeatro Costanzi in Rome (only in a single dress rehearsal—the full production was scuttled by labor disputes), as an evocation of “the moods of fireworks” set to Stravinsky’s music rather than a recreation of pyrotechnical images.  With a fascination for artificial light, the artist designed a set of solid geometric wood pyramids and prisms covered in colored fabric and paper, inside which he placed electric lights which pulsed rhythmically and created startling movement and other effects.   (It wasn’t really a ballet in the conventional sense—there were no dancers—but a light show which is recreated at the Guggenheim.) 

(I alluded to my brief contact with Depero above, and this is where it fits.  In my research into Tennessee Williams’s concept of “plastic theater,” I came across an essay called “Gilberto Clavel: Depero’s Plastic Theater,” about the artist’s “Plastic Dances,” which appeared to define plasticity in the same terms that Williams did, but the original essay was published in Italian in a Milan newspaper in 1919 and wasn’t published in English until 1968, so I decided it would have been unlikely that Williams had read it and wrote the similarity off as an amazing coincidence.  In 1919, Williams was only 8 and by 1968, he’d already formulated and published his ideas about plastic theater 23 years earlier.  I published an article about this concept, “‘The Sculptural Drama’: Tennessee Williams’s Plastic Theater,” on ROT on 9 May 2012.)  

For most of the 1920s and ’30s, the Futurists tried to reconcile their drive for newness with their nationalism and militarism (these are the decades of their fervent alliance with Fascism), to marry their program of perpetual upheaval to the increasingly conservative tastes of Il Duce’s regime.  The Times’s Smith contends that “the art itself turned more benign, consistent and decorative” in the Second Futurism, and Speeding Train (Treno in corsa, 1922) by Ivo Pannaggi, constitutes a symbol of modernity and speed, the founding themes of Futurism, and depicts the sensory perception of a powerful locomotive rushing toward the viewer on a diagonal, illustrating the great speed in the blur of the cars and evoking the screech of the wheels, the scream of the whistle, and the roar of the engine.  Pannaggi’s painting is a prime example of the Futurist post-war sub-genre arte meccanica (“machine aesthetics”), articulated in Pannaggi and Vinicio Paladini’s 1922 “Manifesto of Futurist Mechanical Art.”  The next stage of Futurist art, prevalent in the years leading up to and into World War II, was aeropittura (“airplane painting”), works inspired by flight, and the automobile and locomotive, the symbols of speed, strength, and modernity that dominated Futurist art between World War I and the ’30s, were replaced by images of planes (and later spacecraft) and the bird’s-eye perspectives of views from flying machines (Virgilio Marchi’s Building Seen from a Veering Airplane, 1919-20, and Fantastic City, ca. 1919, are early prototypes).  Flying over the Coliseum in a Spiral (Spiraling) (1930) by Tato (Guglielmo Sansoni) presents an airplane soaring over the iconic Roman ruin, the circular path of the plane echoing the Coliseum’s shape.  

Giovanni Acquaviva’s 1939 design for a ceramic dinner service, The Life of Marinetti, however, makes the marriage of the two philosophies, one artistic, the other political, perfectly clear.  The dinner plate, Fascismo/Futurismo, has a multicolored abstract and geometric design surrounding a large letter F in the center with an ax blade extending from it, creating a stylized fasces.  Around the perimeter of the design, are the words FASCISMO at the top and FUTURISMO at the bottom, unambiguously expressing the painter’s leanings.  In Bruschetti’s Fascist Synthesis, a triptych painted in oil on plywood depicting movement and speed through repeated patterns of soldiers holding flags, soldiers with upraised swords, and the word DUX inscribed on an obelisk at the center of the left-hand panel, the artist included a host of Fascist symbols, from the obelisk to daggers to sheaves of wheat, and so on, placing a double portrait of Il Duce prominently in the center of the middle panel, all in a style that implies movement and dynamism, the central themes of Futurism.  (Dux is Latin for leader, commander, or ruler—the source of the Italian word duce, which Mussolini took as his sobriquet—and was the term in classical Rome for a high-ranking army commander.)

Italian Futurism ends at the top of the helix with a gallery devoted to five monumental canvases (each about 10 by 6½ feet) by Benedetta.  Syntheses of Communications (1933-34), in tempera and encaustic (they were intended to evoke the ancient frescoes of Pompeii), depicts various means of communication, including air, radio, sea, land, and telegraph and telephone.  Though Marinetti (Benedetta’s husband) had wanted Mussolini to name Futurism the official art of his regime, Syntheses, from the conference room of the Palermo, Sicily, post office, was among the very few public commissions awarded to a Futurist during the Fascist period; this exhibit marks the first time the paintings have been shown outside of their original location.  

The Guggenheim’s Italian Futurism, 1909–1944: Reconstructing the Universe is a beautiful show, both in terms of the art on exhibit and the aesthetic experience it yields—not to mention the curiosity it engenders about a little-known (at least to me) period in Western art.  It’s impossible to get around the Futurists’ reprehensible politics in the Fascist era, as well as their boosterism during World War I.  In fact, much of the movement’s philosophical basis is anathema to us today (and, I would hope, to most people even in the ’teens, ’20s, and ’30s).  But ironically, the art that came out of this movement, however justified and explained by the creators and apologists, is unquestionably stunning.  Can you separate artists and their work from the rationale used to conceive it?  I don’t know—maybe not.  But it’s also hard to dismiss both the beauty of the Futurist art—as blogger Molly Hashimoto put it bluntly, “Some of it, 100 years old, still looks very new”—or the influence the art had on those who followed even decades later, irrespective of its political and philosophical underpinnings.  I hope we can look at an exhibit like Italian Futurism, experience the work on display, and appreciate what is good and moving while also acknowledging what is awful and shameful—and I’m not trying to invoke the old bromide about Mussolini making the trains run on time—and not throw the artistic baby out with the political bathwater.  (On the other hand, maybe I feel that way because I was born after World War II and my only sense of the consequences of Italian Fascism is that my late father was a World War II vet.  I wonder if I’d feel the same way about Nazi art if any of it were good.  Maybe it’s too easy for me to shrug it off; maybe the beautiful and startling art work is Dorian Gray and the Fascism behind it is his portrait in the closet.)


10 July 2014

“Gaithersburg Resident Pens, Produces Musical about Life in Retirement Community”


by Jenn Davis

[About a year-and-a-half ago, my mother moved to an assisted living residence in Bethesda, Maryland.  There are a few theater vets (as well as some writers in various genres) among the residents, and there’s a play-reading group that presents performances periodically.  But to my knowledge, no one at Mother’s residence has actually written a musical for and about the community.  This story is about just such a writer-composer, Phyllis Zeno, at a nearby retirement community doing just that—thereby proving, among other things, that theater’s not limited by age or surroundings and that you can find inspiration for the stage just about anywhere you look.]


Take one Gaithersburg retirement community, residents who have a desire to act, and mix it with an 88-year-old professional songwriter, and you have the makings for a humorous original work.


Asbury Methodist Village resident Phyllis W. Zeno wrote, composed and produced “Village Life: The Musical,” sharing a humorous perspective of life in the Gaithersburg retirement community. Zeno, 88, moved to Asbury with her husband in the spring of 2013, and soon after she realized she had the material for a great performance.


“At that point, after living here for a few months, I realized that there were a lot of funny things to write about,” she said. “Any kind of resident complaints, I took a positive view and turned them into songs. After I wrote several, I thought this was a perfect place to write a show about residential living and retirement.”


The musical, which was an hour and 15 minutes long with no intermission, included 15 scenes, 13 songs and two sketches, Zeno said.


The material for one of the songs, “Food for Thought,” stemmed from a situation Zeno first encountered when she was moving into the community. At the time, the kitchen in her building has been closed for renovations, upsetting some residents who worried that the food selections would diminish during the construction.


“‘I would never give a raspberry to any food at Asbury. In my opinion, every meal’s divine. Any flaw, I’ll overlook it, long as I don’t have to cook it. Anything they want to serve me is just fine,’” Zeno’s lyrics joked.


Performances were held on May 9 and May 10 at the community’s Rosborough Cultural Arts and Wellness Center, packing in a full crowd of about 285 guests both nights, Zeno said. Admission was free and open to village residents only, because of space.


“We had people in line who had not booked a reservation ahead of time,” she said. “We had to turn away a lot of people.”


Zeno held the first casting call for the musical on Jan. 23, drawing 64 of her village neighbors to audition. The only requirement was that participants had to stand up for the entire show and sing the songs from memory. Although it was a challenge for some, Zeno said, 41 residents — many in their 80s and 90s — joined the production.


Thirty two-hour rehearsals were held in the months preceding the musical’s debut. They started out on a weekly basis, and then increased up to three times per week toward the end.


“The amazing thing about this is that these people who volunteered to be in it, their enthusiasm never flagged from the beginning until the end,” she said.


Zeno recalled one Thursday morning in February when a big snowstorm had blanketed the region. Thinking no one would show up for rehearsal, Zeno canceled it. After finding out that 15 participants had trudged through the snowy campus for the practice, she rushed downstairs and held the rehearsal.


Neighbor Sylva McCulloh, the pianist and musical director, said she was approached by Zeno almost a year ago to play the show’s music. Even though she wasn’t sure at first, McCulloh said it turned out to be a wonderful experience.


“[Zeno] is amazing. Her lyrics are priceless and she was fun to work with,” she said. “It was good for the people out here to have something like this to look forward to.”


Zeno’s career in music writing began in the 1950s when her mother sent sheet music that she had written for high school and college shows to a popular band leader in New York City.


“I was just out of college and my mother hated to see my talents wasted,” Zeno said. She studied music at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, The New School for Social Research, and the American Theatre Wing, the latter two of which are in New York City.


The music was submitted to Fred Waring, the host of CBS’ The Fred Waring Show. The show, which aired from 1949 to 1954, featured Waring and his choral group “The Pennsylvanians.” Soon after Zeno was offered a job to write for his weekly Sunday evening program.


After packing up her family and moving from Indiana to New York, Zeno worked for Waring’s show for a couple of years.


More than half a century later, Zeno is still writing music — albeit now with a different source of inspiration and a new crew.


Zeno said plans already are in the works for a new musical next year at Asbury. The hope for next year is to have three performances and invite the public to attend.


“At the end of the show, they were all eager to do next year’s show,” she said. “They’ll be kicking up their heels next year.”


[This article was published on 21 May 2014 in The Gazette: Maryland Community News [Gaithersburg, MD]; a similar article by Davis ran in the Local Living magazine section of the Washington Post on 29 May.]



 

05 July 2014

The Ghost Dance of the Plains Indians


By 1870, the world of the American Indian had become intolerable.  A typhoid epidemic, along with other diseases of European origin to which the native Americans had no immunity, killed approximately a tenth of the Indian population.  Following the Civil War, the United States focused on controlling Indian life and assimilating native peoples into the dominant culture, essentially erasing the indigenous culture, religion, beliefs, customs, and practices of the various Indian tribes.  Indians had been forcibly herded onto reservations, often miles away from their hereditary lands.  There they were subjected to starvation, exacerbated by the wholesale destruction of the buffalo herds on which the Plains Indians in particular subsisted; diseases, with some of which the Indian populations were even deliberately infected; and the devastation of the white man’s whiskey.  Treaties and agreements were made and broken without compunction by the U.S. government, backed by the army, particularly when mineral or other natural wealth was detected beneath the Indians’ land.  In desperation, and on the edge of extinction, the American Indians of the Great Plains turned to faith and shamans. 

Sometime around 1869, a Northern Paiute man named Hawthorne Wodziwob (“Gray Hair” or “White Hair”) from the Walker Lake Reservation in Nevada had a vision.  He told his people that he’d gone into a trance and traveled to another world where the souls of the dead revealed that an Indian renaissance was coming.  “Our fathers are coming, our mothers are coming, they are coming pretty soon,” other Paiutes quoted Wodziwob.  “You had better dance.  Never stop for a long time.  Swim.  Paint in white and black and red paint.  Every morning wash and paint.  Everybody be happy.”  Wodziwob (d. 1872), who probably hadn’t been a shaman before his visionary experience (his background, including his birth date, is obscure), promised that if the Indians danced in a circle at night, they could create an Indian paradise on Earth, with the disappearance of the white man, the return of Indian dead, and the restoration of all the animals the Indians had traditionally hunted, most significantly the buffalo.  The prophet conducted the first Ghost Dance ceremony in 1870 and what the Dictionary of Native American Mythology called a “religious revitalization movement” soon spread to other tribes in the Plains beyond the Paiute, even as far as California and Oregon.  After a few years the Northern Paiute Ghost Dancers became disillusioned when Wodziwob’s prophecies didn’t come true.  They gave up the practice around 1872, though other tribes continued to perform the dance.

One of Wodziwob’s disciples was a Paiute named Tavibo (“Sun Man” or “White Man”), a shaman who may have been the father of Wovoka (“Wood Cutter,” c. 1856-1932), the prophet of the reappearance of the Ghost Dance religion in the 1890s.  By the 1880s, the U.S. government, through the power of the army, had rounded up most Indians on reservations, largely unwanted land on which eking out a living was difficult.  (It’s ironic—and not really pertinent to this history—that these lands sometimes yielded great oil wealth in the early 20th century, and that in more recent times, became the sites of hugely profitable casinos because the laws governing tribal lands exempted them from state and federal restrictions on gambling.)  Like the short-lived earlier incarnation of the Ghost Dance religion, the 1890 resurgence was a response to the Indians’ fear and anger over the invasion by Euro-Americans, the brutality of the army, and the legislative attacks on native peoples by Congress.  A man of peace, Wovoka (known as Jack Wilson among whites) told his people after a vision: “When the Sun died, I went up to Heaven and saw God and all the people who had died a long time ago.  God told me to come back and tell my people they must be good and love one another, and not fight, or steal or lie.  He gave me this dance to give to my people.” 

Wovoka was a complex man quite aside from his historical impact.  Born near what is now Carson City, Nevada, Wovoka might have been the son of Tavibo, a shaman who joined Wodziwob’s 1870 Ghost Dance movement and continued to teach many of the same ideas Wovoka himself would teach.  (The rumor that Tavibo was Wovoka’s father is not provable, but it is certain that the younger medicine man was influenced by many of his predecessor’s teachings.)  But Wovoka, intelligent and temperate, had medicine training of his own as well and grew into a tall man with a deep voice, piercing eyes, and a stoic, dignified demeanor.  When his father died around 1870, however, 14-year-old Wovoka was taken in by David and Abigail Wilson, a rancher and his wife from Yerington, Nevada.  While working on the ranch, the Native ranch hand used the name Jack Wilson and learned Christian teachings and Bible stories from the rancher, who was a devout Presbyterian.  (Yerington’s Lyon County, abutting Carson City on the east, was also home to large Catholic and Mormon communities who both proselytized the Native Americans and was a frequent stopping place for itinerant preachers.)  Wovoka began to preach to his people in 1888 and among them gained a reputation as a powerful medicine man, probably enhanced by his skill with magic tricks.  He was known to perform apparent levitation, for instance, and one of his most famous stunts was to withstand a shotgun blast.  It’s likely that this feat gave credence to the Indians’ belief that the “ghost shirt,” a ceremonial garment worn for the ritual, was bulletproof.

Adherents also believed that Wovoka was able to control the weather and heavenly events.  He was reputed to have made a block of ice fall from the sky on a summer day, to have brought rain or snow to end droughts, to have used the sun to light his pipe, and to have formed icicles in his hands.  His most astounding claim was that he’d had a vision during a trance from which he recovered during a solar eclipse on 1 January 1889, after which he was credited with restoring the sun and saving the universe.  (Wovoka may have suffered from scarlet fever in 1888 and had been in a coma for two days when this vision occurred, according to a white observer who’d been a friend of Jack Wilson’s.)   It was this vision that was the beginning of the 1890 Ghost Dance movement.  Wovoka proclaimed that he had contacted God, who gave him explicit commands for living Indians (in a translation by anthropologist James Mooney): 

[W]hen your friends die you must not cry.  You must not hurt anybody or do harm to anyone.  You must not fight.  Do right always. . . .  Do not refuse to work for the whites and do not make any trouble with them until you leave them. . . .  [B]athe in the water [of the river]. . . .  Do not tell lies.

While some, including both Indians and whites, saw the man as a huckster and a charlatan, others believed he was a true spiritual leader and visionary.  In the end, however, it really makes little difference which view is true since Wovoka’s influence on the Indians of the Great Plains and beyond was profound and lasting.  Spurred by the demoralized state of the American Indian, devastated by war, reservation life, poverty, and disease, his teachings soon spread to other Plains tribes, including the Sioux, a militant people some of whom, unwilling to wait for divine intercession, saw the Ghost Dance as a path to revenge against the white intruders.  The Ghost Dance was practiced by Indian peoples as far from Nevada as the Dakotas, Nebraska, Kansas, Oklahoma, and Texas.  (This sweep was all the more remarkable because Wovoka didn’t travel outside Paiute territory.  At a time before any practicable mass communications, emissaries of the far-flung tribes of the Plains made pilgrimages to Wovoka to interview him about his teachings and learn the ritual at his hands.)

The Ghost Dance religion was founded on purging Indians of the evil ways learned from whites.  (All objects and materials introduced to the New World by Europeans such as metal were excluded from use in the ritual.)  The ritual included frequent ceremonial cleansing, meditation, prayer, singing, and of course round-dancing.  Each ceremony lasted five successive days and the celebrants danced every night; dancing on the last night continued until dawn and the ritual was repeated every six weeks.  In its Lakota Sioux version, the Ghost Dancers circled around a fir tree decorated with feathers and other symbolic ornaments that served as offerings to the spirits.  Starting with prayers and appeals, the participants then joined hands in a circle and began a wild dance.  Indians who were sick often took part hoping to be healed and dancing continuously in a circle often resulted in a state of religious frenzy or trance (similar, I’d guess, to that experienced by the Dervishes in Turkey and the Middle East).  In the trance, many Indians reported that they saw visions of dead ancestors on their ways to rejoin the living.  Eventually the dancing stopped and the participants sat in a circle, recounting their experiences and visions.  Later the dance might be repeated.

In June 1890, Mrs. Z. A. Parker, a reservation schoolteacher, watched a Lakota Ghost Dance ceremony on the Pine Ridge Reservation in the Dakota Territory.  After interviewing several of the dancers, she wrote a detailed eyewitness description of the rite: 

We drove to this spot about 10.30 oclock on a delightful October day.  We came upon tents scattered here and there in low, sheltered places long before reaching the dance ground.  Presently we saw over three hundred tents placed in a circle, with a large pine tree in the center, which was covered with strips of cloth of various colors, eagle feathers, stuffed birds, claws, and horns—all offerings to the Great Spirit.  The ceremonies had just begun.  In the center, around the tree, were gathered their medicine-men; also those who had been so fortunate as to have had visions and in them had seen and talked with friends who had died.  A company of fifteen had started a chant and were marching abreast, others coming in behind as they marched.  After marching around the circle of tents they turned to the center, where many had gathered and were seated on the ground.

. . . .

As the crowd gathered about the tree the high priest, or master of ceremonies, began his address, giving them directions as to the chant and other matters.  After he had spoken for about fifteen minutes they arose and formed in a circle.  As nearly as I could count, there were between three and four hundred persons.  One stood directly behind another, each with his hands on his neighbor’s shoulders.  After walking about a few times, chanting, “Father, I come,” they stopped marching, but remained in the circle, and set up the most fearful, heart-piercing wails I ever heard—crying, moaning, groaning, and shrieking out their grief, and naming over their departed friends and relatives, at the same time taking up handfuls of dust at their feet, washing their hands in it, and throwing it over their heads.  Finally, they raised their eyes to heaven, their hands clasped high above their heads, and stood straight and perfectly still, invoking the power of the Great Spirit to allow them to see and talk with their people who had died.  This ceremony lasted about fifteen minutes, when they all sat down where they were and listened to another address, which I did not understand, but which I afterwards learned were words of encouragement and assurance of the coming messiah.

When they arose again, they enlarged the circle by facing toward the center, taking hold of hands, and moving around in the manner of school children in their play of “needle’s eye” [a Victorian-era game much like Red Rover].  And now the most intense excitement began.  They would go as fast as they could, their hands moving from side to side, their bodies swaying, their arms, with hands gripped tightly in their neighbors’, swinging back and forth with all their might.  If one, more weak and frail, came near falling, he would be jerked up and into position until tired nature gave way.  The ground had been worked and worn by many feet, until the fine, flour-like dust lay light and loose to the depth of two or three inches.  The wind, which had increased, would sometimes take it up, enveloping the dancers and hiding them from view.  In the ring were men, women, and children; the strong and the robust, the weak consumptive, and those near to death’s door.  They believed those who were sick would be cured by joining in the dance and losing consciousness.  From the beginning they chanted, to a monotonous tune, the words—

Father, I come;
Mother, I come;
Brother, I come;
Father, give us back our arrows.

All of which they would repeat over and over again until first one and then another would break from the ring and stagger away and fall down.  One woman fell a few feet from me.  She came toward us, her hair flying over her face, which was purple, looking as if the blood would burst through; her hands and arms moving wildly; every breath a pant and a groan; and she fell on her back, and went down like a log.  I stepped up to her as she lay there motionless, but with every muscle twitching and quivering.  She seemed to be perfectly unconscious.  Some of the men and a few of the women would run, stepping high and pawing the air in a frightful manner.  Some told me afterwards that they had a sensation as if the ground were rising toward them and would strike them in the face.  Others would drop where they stood.  One woman fell directly into the ring, and her husband stepped out and stood over her to prevent them from trampling upon her.  No one ever disturbed those who fell or took any notice of them except to keep the crowd away.

They kept up dancing until fully 100 persons were lying unconscious.  Then they stopped and seated themselves in a circle, and as each recovered from his trance he was brought to the center of the ring to relate his experience.  Each told his story to the medicine-man and he shouted it to the crowd. . . .  I asked one Indian—a tall, strong fellow, straight as an arrow—what his experience was.  He said he saw an eagle coming toward him.  It flew round and round, drawing nearer and nearer until he put out his hand to take it, when it was gone. . . .  After resting for a time they would go through the same performance, perhaps three times a day.  They practiced fasting, and every morning those who joined in the dance were obliged to immerse themselves in the creek.

The Plains Indians believed the Ghost Dance ritual would resurrect their dead ancestors, as indicated in this Comanche incantation: “We shall live again, / We shall live again.”  (Each tribe had its own chants and prayers to accompany the Ghost Dance, as recorded and transcribed by Mooney in 1894.  As each participant expressed his or her trance experience as a song, there could be as many as 20 or 30 new songs from one dance, to be sung in place of old ones at the next ceremony.  Mooney’s transcriptions of the songs generally include repetitions of each line which, for the sake of brevity, I’ll omit.)  Along with raising dead Indians, who would bring relief from illness and aging, the practice was believed to have the power to annihilate by supernatural means the intruding white people—and their insidious technological culture—as suggested in this Arapaho song:

The  yellow-hide, the white-skin (man).
I have now put him aside—
I have no more sympathy with him.

The rite also could return the land to an aboriginal paradise free of disease, misery, and deprivation, as expressed in this Kiowa verse: 

The spirit host is advancing, they say.
They are coming with the buffalo, they say.
They are coming with the (new) earth, they say.

Wovoka preached that the Indians’ aboriginal paradise would arise only if the Indians danced the round dance “every six weeks.”  They must also share power with the “President of the East,” Benjamin Harrison; coexist peacefully with the dominant white population; and live a morally upright life.  The prophet counselled passivism and patience until God intervened in the Indians’ behalf.  He also promoted the revival of Indian customs abandoned under the influence of the Europeans and cooperation among all Indians, even between tribes that had been traditional enemies—the beginnings of a form of pan-Indianism that would become a political force in the 1960s and ’70s with the rise of the American Indian Movement (founded in 1968). 

(Wovoka’s concept of a supreme being was apparently borrowed from Christianity, as was the notion of a messiah who comes to live on Earth to spread a message of peace and mutual love with the white Americans.  The songs of the Ghost Dance frequently speak of “the father,” as you’ll see, rather than the multiple deities of most Native American religious practices.  One Kiowa Ghost Dance song explicitly references Jesus:

God has had pity on us.
Jesus has taken pity on us.
He teaches me a song.
My song is a good one.

(Some detractors, especially among white Christians, referred to Wovoka derisively as the “Indian who impersonated Christ!” and the man who “proclaimed himself an aboriginal Jesus who was to redeem the Red Man” and fearfully characterized Wovoka’s Ghost Dance movement as “the Messiah Craze.”) 

According to Mooney (1861-1921), who studied the Ghost Dance movement in 1892-93 and observed and interviewed Wovoka, the Paiute shaman “earnestly repudiated any idea of hostility toward the whites, asserting that his religion was one of universal peace.”  Mooney laid out Wovoka’s fundamental philosophy in an 1897 report to the Bureau of American Ethnology (now part of the Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum of Natural History):

The great underlying principle of the Ghost Dance doctrine is that the time will come when the whole Indian race, living and dead, will be reunited upon a regenerated earth, to live a life of aboriginal happiness, forever free from death, disease, and misery. . . . .  The white race, being alien and secondary and hardly real, has no part in this scheme of aboriginal regeneration, and will be left behind with the other things of earth that have served their temporary purpose, or else will cease entirely to exist.

All this is to be brought about by an overruling spiritual power that needs no assistance from human creatures . . . .

Plains tribes such as the Caddo, Wichita, Arapaho, Kiowa, Cheyenne, Comanche, and Lenape (an east-coast people who were moved to what is now Oklahoma in the 1860s) all agreed that the disappearance of the white people and their civilization would be accomplished entirely by divine means when the earth was returned to the way it had been before the Europeans came.  (Some followers of Wovoka even thought that the new existence would be race-less and that whites, too, would be enveloped in the rapture, but that notion was not part of the medicine man’s epistemology.)  Only the Sioux, impatient to be rid of the oppressors, preached armed resistance rather than waiting for God to deliver the miracle—clearly in violation of Wovoka’s doctrine. 

Nonetheless, the potential power of the dance so threatened the U.S. government that it was outlawed across the Plains and though the original Ghost Dance doctrine as expressed by Wovoka repudiated both war and conflict with whites, many settlers and missionaries, calling it “the Ghost Dance craze,” misconstrued the ritual as a war dance.  Further, because the Lakota version of the Ghost Dance was being used to promote violence against whites, the army was dispatched to suppress it.  It had been the Lakota who’d developed the ghost shirt, which they believed would protect them from any harm, even bullets:

It is I who make these sacred things,
Says the father, says the father.
It is I who make the sacred shirt,
Says the father, says the father.
It is I who made the pipe,
Says the father, says the father,

says one Sioux song, and another specifies:

Verily, I have given you my strength,
Says the father, says the father.
The shirt will cause you to live,
Says the father, says the father.

The Ghost Dance gave to all Indians a sense of hope, but it was especially enticing to the Lakota Sioux who were experiencing terrible conditions on reservations.  Lakota leaders like Sitting Bull had resisted U.S. government policy toward Indians and the assimilation of their people into the Euro-American culture.  Indeed, Sitting Bull, the revered medicine man of the Lakota Sioux, when asked why he remained destitute and cold in Canada where he fled with his people after Little Bighorn (1876) rather than return to the U.S. and live on a reservation under the care of the BIA (to which he would surrender in 1881), answered:

Because I am a red man.  If the Great Spirit had desired me to be a white man he would have made me so in the first place.  He put in your heart certain wishes and plans, in my heart he put other and different desires.  Each man is good in his sight.  It is not necessary for Eagles to be Crows.  We are poor . . . but we are free.  No white man controls our footsteps.  If we must die . . . we die defending our rights.

The Lakota added the ghost shirt to the Ghost Dance ceremony, believing the vestment could protect them from harm.  Mrs. Parker described the shirt as made from white cotton,

painted blue around the neck, and the whole garment was fantastically sprinkled with figures of birds, bows and arrows, sun, moon, and stars, and everything they saw in nature.  Down the outside of the sleeve were rows of feathers tied [by] the quill ends and left to fly in the breeze, and also a row around the neck and up and down the outside of the leggings.  I noticed that a number had stuffed birds, squirrel heads, etc., tied in their long hair. The faces of all were painted red with a black half-moon on the forehead or on one cheek.

The men also wore cotton leggings painted red, some “in stripes running up and down, others running around.”  The ghost dress, fashioned for the women in a style similar to the men’s shirt,  

was cut like their ordinary dress, a loose robe with wide, flowing sleeves, painted blue in the neck, in the shape of a three-cornered handkerchief, with moon, stars, birds, etc., interspersed with real feathers, painted on the waists, letting them fall to within 3 inches of the ground, the fringe at the bottom. In the hair, near the crown, a feather was tied.

White settlers and reservation officials saw the Ghost Dance religion as a threat to U.S. Indian policy and the ceremony and ghost shirts as indications that the Lakotas intended to go to war.  BAI agents called on the federal government to ban the ritual and in 1890, the Bureau of Indian Affairs outlawed the Ghost Dance and the government enhanced its presence on the northern Plains, dispatching the army to arrest key leaders like Sitting Bull, Kicking Bear, and Big Foot in an attempt to halt the Ghost Dance movement.  On 15 December 1890, tribal police killed Sitting Bull while trying to arrest him under BIA orders, and two weeks later, a group of Sioux Ghost Dancers retreated to a site in South Dakota where they were pursued by the 7th Cavalry (the same regiment that was trapped and wiped out at the Little Bighorn, “Custer’s Last Stand,” in 1876), ordered to “disarm the Lakota and take control.”  On 29 December, white fear and ignorance led to the massacre of hundreds of mostly unarmed Lakota Sioux (about 90 men, including Big Foot, and 200 women and children) at Wounded Knee.  This touched off the Ghost Dance War of 1890-91 against the Sioux, perhaps the last of the many Indian Wars in the West starting before the Civil War but gaining frequency and fierceness in the Great Plains after 1860 until the closing of the frontier in the early 1890s.   

The Ghost Dance religion among the Lakota died out after the Wounded Knee Massacre.  Because of the violent misinterpretations of his teachings, plus the death threats from the BAI police force, the U.S. Cavalry, and the white settlers, Wovoka abandoned his active ministry.  He remained involved in religious affairs, traveling even to Washington to meet with presidents and other government dignitaries, and was a respected figure in the Indian community until his death in 1932.  The Ghost Dance movement faded when Wovoka’s prophecies, like those of his predecessor Wodziwob 20 years earlier, failed to materialize and the ghost shirt proved ineffective as protection against death and injury (a claim Wovoka never made), but a few among the believers continued to practice the rite into the 1960s and ’70s as a symbol of resistance to assimilation, the duplicitous treatment of the federal government, and the destruction of Indian culture by the white society.  However short-lived and despite the tragic consequences of its misapplication, the Ghost Dance has had a permanent impact on American Indian life and culture. 

[Principal sources:
·   Binnema, Ted. “Chronology.” The Native North American Almanac. ed. Duane Champagne. Detroit: Gale Research, 1994. 1-189.
·   Clarke, Mary, and Clement Crisp. The History of Dance. New York: Crown Publishers, 1981.
·   Ghost Dance [website]. N.d. Http://www.ghostdance.us. 8 June 2014.
·   “Ghost Dance.” United States History[website]. N.d. Http://www.u-s-history.com/pages/h3775.html. 8 June 2014.
·   “Ghost Dance.” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia [website]. 2 Apr. 2014. Http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ghost_Dance. 8 June 2014.
·   “The Ghost Dance – A Promise of Fulfillment.” Native American Legends [website]. N.d. Http://www.legendsofamerica.com/na-ghostdance.html. 8 June 2014.
·   Gill, Sam D., and Irene F. Sullivan. Dictionary of Native American Mythology. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 1992. S.v. “Ghost Dance of 1870.”
·   Gill, Sam D., and Irene F. Sullivan. Dictionary of Native American Mythology. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 1992. S.v. “Ghost Dance of 1890.”
·   Leach, Maria, ed. Standard Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology, and Legend. Vol. 2. New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1950. S.v. “ghost dance” by Gertrude Prokosch Kurath.
·   Mooney, James. The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965; reprint Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1892-1893. Part 2. Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1896. 641-1110.

[Auxiliary sources may also include links to cross references within some of the websites cited.  The passage describing the Ghost Dance at Pine Ridge and the instructions Wovoka gave his followers (from a document known as “The Messiah Letter”) were both originally published in Mooney but are also on the Ghost Dance website.  The transcribed Ghost Dance songs are also in Mooney and some are posted on Ghost Dance.]