Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts

09 September 2026

'N/A'

 

I didn’t see N/A, the political two-hander by Mario Correa, when it ran at Lincon Center’s Mitzi E. Newhouse Theater in 2024, so when it showed up on WNET (Channel 13), the Public Broadcasting Service outlet in New York City, in May, I DVR’d it. 

I finally got around to watching it a few nights ago, not planning to do more than see what it was all about, so to speak.  Then I considered writing it up as I have done with many plays since I started Rick On Theater 17 years ago.  I decided I’d give it a try.  So. here goes.

At the top of the PBS broadcast, a voice-over explains that the play is

A behind-closed-doors conversation closely inspired by two larger-than-life public figures.  Despite their clashing ideas about government, both hold deep convictions for progress in the future of the country.

Let’s get the book on N/A down for the record first.  The intermissionless, 80-minute play had its world premiere on 23 June 2024 at Lincoln Center’s Off-Broadway house, the Newhouse Theater, after opening for previews on 14 March. 

Though playing at a venue of the non-profit Lincoln Center Theater, the première of N/A wasn’t an LCT production.  It was an independent, commercial rental of the Newhouse, produced by a team of outside backers assembled by veteran commercial theater producer Jeffrey Richards.

The limited performances of N/A, which were initially scheduled to end on 4 August, were extended through 1 September.  The play closed after 96 regular and preview performances.

The telecast I watched aired on Sunday, 31 May 2026, as part of the Theater Close-Up series produced by The WNET Group.  (Theater Close-Up isn’t a national PBS network program.  It’s a localized, curated series produced specifically by WNET.)

Directed for the stage by Diane Paulus (the TV director was Donna Zaccaro), the production was recorded live on stage at its Lincoln Center home in August toward the end of its 2024 run, right before the production officially wrapped its performances.

Unlike many new plays that spend several years in multiple regional tryouts, academic workshops, or staged public readings, N/A was fast-tracked specifically to meet the political urgency of a major election year (the 2024 presidential rematch between Joe Biden and Donald Trump). 

The traditional multi-year developmental pipeline for N/A was bypassed through the intervention of Richards, who has an extensive record of Broadway and Off-Broadway shows (among them, the current Maybe Happy Ending—6 Tonys, including Best Musical, and 6 Drama Desks, including Outstanding Musical—and last year’s Beetlejuice and Glengarry Glen Ross).

Upon reading Correa’s script, Richards realized that the play’s thematic tension was vital for the immediate cultural moment.  So, instead of routing the play through a non-profit theater’s multi-season workshop system, Richards formed an independent, commercial producing coalition. 

The team bypassed the standard developmental workshops by mounting a commercial production and renting the Newhouse Theater directly.  This meant the play didn’t undergo the typical public “try-out” or laboratory phase associated with standard regional non-profit commissions.

Through this streamlined commercial process, the script went from an unproduced text directly into New York rehearsals, transitioning straight to its first public performance.  It also attracted creatives like the Tony Award-winning director Diane Paulus (Best Direction of a Musical, Pippin, 2013) and actors Holland Taylor (who has a proven track record with political solo-shows like Ann, the 2013 Broadway monodrama about Texas governor Ann Richards) and Ana Villafañe (who won a Theatre World Award for her Outstanding Debut Performance as Gloria Estefan in the 2015 Broadway jukebox musical On Your Feet!).

Now, let’s look at the play itself (which I’ve largely been avoiding till now, you’ll have noticed).  It got a fair amount of coverage when it made its way to Lincoln Center, but that was not only two years ago, but it was also a summertime run—and a limited run at that—so not everyone was paying attention.

In a nutshell, N/A is a generational debate between two unnamed congresswomen, “N,” the first female Speaker of the House, and “A,” the youngest woman ever elected to Congress.  Though their names are never used on stage—and the initials appear only in the program (or, in my case, in the credits at the end of the broadcast)—these figures are modeled explicitly on Nancy Pelosi (b. 1940), Democratic Congresswoman from California since 1987 and the 52nd speaker of the United States House of Representatives, serving from 2007 to 2011 and again from 2019 to 2023, and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (b. 1989), since 2019, Democratic U.S. Representative from New York and a member of the Democratic Socialists of America.

(Just so everybody knows: I’m closer to Pelosi’s age—not quite seven years her junior—than to AOC’s—almost 43 years her senior.  I’m not sure what significance that holds, though.)

Lead producer Richards moved the script to Off-Broadway production at an accelerated pace because he saw that it dovetailed with Real Politics in the field, the presidential election of 2024, and he wanted to catch the wave, but to an extent, that seems to have backfired a little.  The presidential race was such an attention-grabber that most people, including avid theatergoers, were paying more heed, I think, to the real world than to an Off-Broadway play.

The night of the official première, 23 June 2024, was a Sunday, an unusual night to schedule an opening.  But this wasn’t actually an opening in the traditional sense of the term.  It was a gala event for high-profile political figures, media personalities, and theater elites who Richards hoped would start whispering, posting, and talking about the show.

The producers set a strict embargo on the press, however, telling all publications that their representatives (i.e., reviewers) may watch the show at designated press previews or the première night, but they can’t publish reviews until Thursday evening, 27 June.

(Because the public couldn’t read the reviews until 27 June, outlets like the New York Times or New York Theatre Guide labeled the 27th, the day the show “unveiled” itself to the world, not the 23rd, as N/A’s “opening.”)

What no one could have predicted, was that Thursday evening, 27 June 2024, was the night of the momentous presidential debate between the Democratic candidate and incumbent president, Joe Biden, and the Republican challenger and former president, Donald Trump—and Biden gave his disastrous performance that changed the presidential campaign. 

This created a fascinating, accidental intersection of art and reality: the very night the play “officially” revealed its political commentary to the wider public was the exact same night the landscape of Real Politics completely shifted. 

On the one hand, this occurrence enhanced the focus on the play (which was, of course, about a different political debate), but on the other, it probably distracted many potential theatergoers to focusing on the real-world politics that was far more consequential.

Playwright Mario Correa (b. 1969 in Chile) describes himself as a “political junkie,” so all this background and foreground focus on elections and campaigning, both by the play’s presenters and its potential audience, is in his wheelhouse.

Correa immigrated to the United States with his family at age six, growing up in Bethesda, Maryland, just north of Washington, D.C.  (That’s Montgomery County.  At the end of her life, my mother lived in Bethesda, and I grew up in Chevy Chase, the first town north of D.C., before Bethesda.)  He spent his early career immersed in real-world government, working directly as a congressional aide during the late 1980s and 1990s.

At 17, he campaigned for House candidate Connie Morella, then running to represent Maryland’s 8th district (Montgomery County), setting him on a political path.  The liberal Republican—Correa labeled her “a very progressive Republican” in a 2025 interview for Barrington Stage—was elected in 1986 and served from ’87 until 2003; Correa became her aide.  This experience gave him a firsthand understanding of the inner workings, rules, and unspoken dynamics of the U.S. House of Representatives.

The Washington Post reported that Pelosi also took office as a congresswoman in 1987.  Because there weren’t many women in the House, they became unlikely friends across party lines.  When gerrymandering made it untenable for Morella to be reelected, she was defeated by a Democrat and left Congress.

Correa left Congress upon Morella’s defeat, but he became a congressional lobbyist for high-tech corporations.  “I loved the Hill,” he confirmed in a July 2024 interview for the Theatre Development Fund, referring to Capitol Hill, “but I didn’t love the post-Hill lobbying world.”  So, after a few more years, writing comedy at night, he “quit my day job.”  That was 2005. 

(Reporters, politicians, and government workers and staffers, like Correa, use “the Hill” and “Capitol Hill” metonymically to refer to the work of senators and representatives.  I did this, too, habitually, when I was 15 and had a summer job in 1962 in the congressional office of New Hampshire Representative Chester Merrow [1906-74], also a liberal Republican, who was running, unsuccessfully as it turned out, for the senate.  [I returned to prep school for my sophomore year before the September primary that cost Merrow his seat in Congress and his bid for the Senate nomination.]  I picked up the usage from my longer-serving colleagues in Merrow’s office who guided me in learning the office routines.)

Correa left politics behind, he says, but admits it still pops up in his writing.  (His Off-Broadway comedy Tail! Spin! [New York International Fringe Festival, 2012] is about political sex scandals.)  He sees N/A as “kind of a love letter to Connie and everything I learned” working at the Capitol.

Of Pelosi and Ocasio-Cortez, as well as their avatars, Correa avers, “I’m really conscious of the fact that I admire these real-life women. I enjoy writing about them . . . .”  He admonishes us, however, “This is not the biography of Nancy Pelosi or AOC.”

Because the playwright has such positive feelings about the actual congresswomen, however, there’s no mistaking who their fictional doppelgangers are—the initialese of the program and the absence of names on the stage notwithstanding.  As Gillian Russo points out in her New York Theatre Guide notice, it’s “immediately obvious.”

(In point of fact, no names are spoken in the play—with the exception of Oscar Alberto Martínez and Angie Valeria, a would-be refugee and his infant daughter who drowned in the Rio Grande in 2019.  Donald Trump, for instance, is referred to only as “that man” and a few more colorful descriptives.)

To be clear, N/A isn’t actually a documentary play, or even a “docudrama,” which allows for considerable fictionalization.  Correa’s dialogue isn’t drawn from any documents or recordings.  (Tail! Spin!, unlike N/A, is a verbatim documentary play.  Correa compiled the script from the actual text messages, e-mails, and public statements of the politician-characters.)

In N/A, the words of “N” and “A,” though based on Correa’s interpretations of Pelosi’s and Ocasio-Cortez’s positions and statements, are composed by him.  They’re his distillations of what he believes the women have said or might say. 

(For an examination of documentary theater, see my article “Performing Fact: The Documentary Drama“ [9 October 2009], as well as later posts “‘On The Real: Documentary Theatre‘“ [15 September 2017, 18 September 2017, 21 September 2017, 24 September 2017, and 27 September 2017], and “Documentary and Investigative Theater“ [10 September 2025].)

Correa, the PBS voice-over explained, focused N/A’s text around the historical events that transpired between “2018, when the Democrats win the House [6 November] . . . to the 2022 midterms [8 November] when the Republicans take it back.” 

(Actually, the first scene occurs the day after “A”’s historic upset primary election victory in the New York State primaries [26 June 2018]—which, in New York’s 14th district [Queens and the Bronx], essentially means she’ll almost certainly win the general election in November—and the play ends on 6 November 2025, when “N” announces to the House that she wouldn’t seek a leadership role in Democratic Caucus.)

As WaPo also reported, Correa said that as the play developed in rehearsals, “it became clear that [it] was less about the mechanics of legislation than he intended and more about two powerful women trying to figure each other out.”

But, as I’ve established, it isn’t a portrait of two real-life congresswomen whose politics and goals clashed.  It’s a fictional debate that dramatizes the intergenerational clash of the political philosophies of an old-line centrist Democratic party leader and a brash insurgent from the left wing of the party.  (Something we’re seeing a good deal of right now in the run-up to the midterm elections in several districts.)

And therein lies the problem I had with the play.  So, let’s get into that.

First, let me state that I found the two performances powerful and engaging.  In my estimation, there’s no way that either of these actresses didn’t feel what the characters were feeling, believe what the characters were saying.

I’ve seen Holland Taylor, who plays “N,” and she’s strong, even fierce, and sure of herself in the most convincing way.  She’s the pragmatist, and David Barbour of Lighting & Sound America dubs her “the sternest of schoolmistresses.” 

I hadn’t seen Ana Villafañe (“A”), but she measured up to her opponent surefootedly and steadfastly with all the assertiveness I could expect.  In the Wall Street Journal, Charles Isherwood writes that she “put[s] cool but clear passion into her performance.”  She’s the idealist.

Taylor, for reasons including one I’ll delve into some shortly, dominates as “N.”  That “schoolmistress” analogy holds true as she educates “A” in the political process (part of N/A is a civics class) and the world at large.  We get to see “N”’s self-confidence, intelligence, understanding, and wry humor at her every turn.

It helps a good deal that Taylor has made herself look very much like Pelosi, with the assistance of Myung Hee Cho’s costume, a hot-pink skirt-suit and high-heeled pumps.  (With no specific credit given for N/A’s make-up, I presume that the costumer was responsible for that, too, as is traditional.)  As several reviewers noted, Taylor did not try to mimic Pelosi’s distinctive voice—but, then “N” isn’t “Pelosi.”

Bringing ardent sincerity to “A”’s radical objectives, Villafañe demonstrates genuine frustration at the political realities she finds in the House and the Democratic Party.  She captures “A”’s resolve, assertiveness, and rejection of compromise.  It doesn’t hurt that Villafañe, in Cho’s black pantsuit and black flats (later heels), is virtually a double for AOC.

As long as I’ve touched on Cho’s costumes, let me say a word about her set design.  I found it underwhelming—though that may be oddly appropriate for this production: a Lucite desk, three Lucite cubes for use as seats, and, prominently up center, a five-foot Lucite case containing a gavel.  

On the desk, which is in “N”’s office, is a landline phone on which she does her cajoling and utzing.  “A,” by contrast, is tethered to her cell, on which she livestreams to her “followers” almost continuously.  That’s, of course, supposed to be emblematic of the generation gap on display here.

(One other prominent item in the set decoration is subtly significant: a small, silver bowl.  It sits on “N”’s desk and is usually full of chocolate squares, which she offers to “A” in the first scene and it becomes a leitmotif.  The squares are Ghirardelli chocolate, “N” tells “A.”  What isn’t articulated is that the Ghirardelli Chocolate Company is inextricably associated with San Francisco, the heart of Nancy Pelosi’s congressional district.  If ya know, ya know.)

Rhoda Feng of Observer suggests that the scenic design “encourages the notion of a diorama on loan from a museum”—and it does.  (The gavel turns out to be the one “N” used the first time she called the House into session—and she says it will go to the Smithsonian museum “when I’m done with it.  Which I’m not!”)

Diane Paulus directs the play with sharp assurance.  Oh, some of the blocking is “stagey,” especially when Paulus has one actress speak to the other who’s behind her so that the speaker’s facing the audience, not the person she’s addressing.

The problem at which I hinted above, however, gets in the way, as N/A soon begins to seem like a string of mini-debates over the same issues.  Johnny Oleksinski compares the dialogue to “a campaign robocall” on the New York Post and Feng labels them “off-puttingly vague.”

The New York Times reviewer, Jesse Green, asserts that the playwright “is unable to keep the back-and-forth political debate from falling into a rut.”  In the play itself, “N” accuses “A” of speaking like “a metaphor shower” and “A” characterizes one of “N”’s pronouncements as “a bumper sticker.”  To my ear, both women are right.

In my view, this happens because Correa doesn’t have a catalogue of Pelosi’s and AOC’s actual statements from which to compile his dialogue.  He only has something like a punch list of topics and he ends up repeating himself—or has his characters doing so.

There’s a second problem with Correa’s portrayals of the antagonists, and it may have been generated by his personal feelings—not necessarily his political leanings—regarding the real-life characters.  His prior acquaintanceship, however glancing, with Pelosi may account for the fact that he gives “N” most of the best—that is, funniest—lines in the play.

In his Vulture/New York magazine review, Jackson McHenry points out that “giving a character laugh lines is like handing them a weapon.”  He goes on:

The playwright may intend to be evenhanded, but the humor tends to be the giveaway.  It can make someone seem smarter, wiser, more relatable, even if they’re espousing ideas you don’t agree with.

Most of the play’s humor, McHenry observes, “tilt[s] solidly in N’s favor,” rendering “A” as something of a pill.  I suspect that Correa didn’t intend to queer the pitch to “N”’s benefit—I believe he meant for us to witness equal combat—and I don’t really know that the writer was influenced by his long-ago encounters with Pelosi in Morella’s office, but the result is what it is, irrespective of the causes.

McHenry, however, seems to think that Correa leans in favor of “N”/Pelosi’s political philosophy.  Nevertheless, he says something with which I agree:

If you, like me, are more inclined to sympathize with A than with N [which I tend to, even as I recognize that her agenda is probably impossible to enact], a play that keeps insisting that better things aren’t possible gets frustrating quickly. . . .  N/A wears quickly as a drama.  It’s boring watching one generation dunk repeatedly on another for 80 minutes.

“I wanted to write about a battle of ideas,” Correa wrote in the Playbill for N/A, “the philosophical and strategic disagreements that have placed two historical figures seemingly at odds, despite shared values and objectives.”

It turns out, though, that that’s not actually what came about—and it’s probably just as well.  As the writer told the Washington Post, the play moved away from his intended focus on civics and focused more on the two women.  As Times review-writer Green observes, “[P]lays, performed by real people, can’t help but be personal too.”

I’m not sure that’s an axiom, but it happened in this instance.  The political wrangling, as I’ve asserted, gets enervating pretty quickly, especially if you listen to newscasts and talk shows.  We’ve heard it all before—especially just now, in the preliminaries to the midterms when Pelosi-like centrist candidates are facing progressive opponents in the mold of AOC. 

But as dynamic shifts from articulating politics to revealing the characters, the individualities, the actors inject humanity and draw this viewer’s attention.  Now, this doesn’t enhance the drama, but it does make for more compelling theater.  In the hands of less charismatic actors, this might not happen, but with Taylor and Villafañe, it works.

The press in 2024 was mixed, leaning more towards the “meh.”  Of the reviews I read, probably the most negative was Oleksinski’s Post notice.  His first words are: “Don’t come looking for juicy drama at ‘N/A’ . . .” and then he adds,

The behind-closed-doors scenes pitting the Speaker of the House against the upstart New York congresswoman are more like Disney’s Hall of Presidents—reverential and robotic—than brutal Capitol Hill.

The Post reviewer complains that “no moment is ever explosive.  In fact,” he continues,

“N/A” is almost a light comedy.  Playwright Mario Correa turns Pelosi into a Don Rickles who delivers mean zinger after mean zinger about the then-30-year-old rep of the Bronx and Queens as if she’s working the Catskills.

“There’s no critique, really,” Oleksinski writes, “or insight into these famous women beyond what we already know,” summing up with, “It’s a whole lotta duh.”  His appraisal of the performances is: “Taylor and Villafañe are ideally cast in less-than-ideal circumstances.”

In the Times, Green declares,

The play’s ideas and ideals are fine, and modestly if repetitively dramatized, but what makes this swift summer trifle so diverting is the embodiment of the women themselves.  N and A are perfect incarnations of their congressional doppelgängers . . . .

He praises both actors.

The Timesman, however, points out that “the conflict that Correa means to foreground as political keeps falling out of its frame,” explaining, “However policy-oriented the relationship was in Washington, onstage it becomes personal despite the playwright’s intentions.”

Green complains that “Correa is unable to keep the back-and-forth political debate from falling into a rut.” As an example, he notes that “N”’s notion of the chain in which every fight leads to the next (Green called this the “ouroboros,” which I thought was kinda clever) “gets tiring fast, or would, had the actors not long since taken over the play’s agenda.”   

In the Wall Street Journal, Isherwood opens with a quip: “Given the existential despair in which most Democrats are swimming—or drowning—an evening at ‘N/A’ . . . will almost qualify as comfort food, or a weighted blanket soothing the nerves.”

“Mr. Correa's writing,” Isherwood writes, “is sharp and smart, convincing in its understanding of the characters as we know them, and often refreshingly funny.”  Diane Paulus, the WSJ reviewer attests, directed the play “with crisp authority.”

Isherwood, too, praises both actors.  Taylor delivers her lines “with a delicacy that nevertheless keeps their acerbic veneer firmly polished,” he reports, and Villafañe “does not shy from portraying Alexandria as, at times, stubborn and high-handed.”

He concludes that “[e]ven at just 80 minutes, ‘N/A’ can feel like a series of debates circling around the same subjects . . . .  Nevertheless, even if it does resemble a debate without moderators, as such things go it passes like a refreshing breeze . . . .”

On Vulture, McHenry, noting that the play’s described as “a battle of wills—and wits,” protests that “[t]he wits, and most of the play’s will, tilt solidly in N’s favor.”  He adds that “N/A . . . is like being stuck at dinner with a relative you wish would please talk about anything else (do N and A have any thoughts on the weather?).  It’s claustrophobic, and ultimately boring . . . .”

“[T]he structure traps the performers in limited caricatures,” McHenry asserts.  Taylor “specializes in playing toughened older women” and “applies all her steel to N, throwing out one-liners with hefty torque . . . .”  In contrast, “Villafañe’s done musicals . . . and her angle on A turns the congresswoman into something of a flustered theater kid.”

On TheaterMania, Zachary Stewart capsulizes N/A, which he labels “this 80-minute political hagiography,” thus:

If you’re looking for a comedy that flatters the sensibilities of Boomer liberals without ever rudely suggesting that they might bear some responsibility for the overwrought state of our politics, this is your ticket.

Of the actors, Stewart says,

Villafañe is the more convincing mimic of the two, perfectly capturing AOC’s pitch and cadence.  She does a fine job completing the task set out by Correa’s script, which is to set up the pins for Taylor to knock down.

He switches sports references and remarks that Villafañe “throw[s] softballs to her comedy partner,” so he can quip that “Taylor easily knocks them out of the park.”  Of Taylor’s “N,” the TheaterMania review-writer proclaims, “She’s less Nancy Pelosi than she is Lady Bracknell with a gavel.  She dispenses salty morsels of wisdom . . . .”

“Diane Paulus helms the production with a steady hand and on a relatively slim design budget,” writes Stewart.  “Myung Hee Cho’s set of transparent office furniture on dull carpet suggests a popup Thai restaurant . . . .”

The reviewer’s final assessment is that

N/A succeeds as a light summer comedy for the vote-blue-no-matter-who set.  But if you’re looking for reassurances that liberals young and old have . . . learned any valuable lessons that will keep Donald Trump out of the White House, I’m afraid they’re not available.

Russo of New York Theatre Guide finds that

Correa’s approach to N/A . . . feels like that of a politician's speechwriter.  The task is to carefully curate an image of his subjects that’s commanding and true—perhaps with the occasional imperfection or vulnerability so as to be human, but making sure they’re someone you can root for.

“Correa deftly advances his goal with spirited, entertaining writing,” says Russo.  “A few lines sound like they truly were written for a speech . . ., but he makes up for them with a stream of zingers.”  She continues, “It seems more likely to reinforce people’s existing alliances than encourage them to really consider other perspectives.  The play feels tailor-made, and -timed, for one express purpose: Get out the vote.”

Observer’s Feng slams N/A, the latest on a spate of plays “with shortened character names” as the least surprising, most anemic of the bunch.”  She adds that “N/A is about as suspenseful as an electoral abecedarium.”

“Part of the problem has to do with déjà vu.” Feng explains.  Correa . . . sticks closely to the facts (so many facts!), delivering dutiful capsule summaries of the women’s backgrounds and hobbyhorses with the efficiency and spontaneity of a teleprompter . . . .”  “N/A,” declares the Observer writer, “suffers from . . . information overload.  The welter of information is funneled through exposition-heavy dialogue and needlepoint-ready slogans.”

On This Week in New York, Mark Rifkin dubs  N/A “potent.”  He pronounces Pelosi as “splendidly portrayed by Taylor,” and AOC as “fully embodied by Ana Villafañe.”  (Reporting that after he got home, he watched “the debacle of a debate” between the 2024 presidential candidates . . . and wisecracked that he “decided to cast my vote for Taylor.”)

Rifkin designates Correa’s script as “well-written” and finds it “astutely directed by Tony winner Diane Paulus . . . .”  “Cho’s costumes capture the characters to a T,” the reviewer states. 

“Taylor shines as Pelosi,” declares Rifkin; “it’s as if she has a glow as she tries to educate the younger congresswoman in the ways of politics, and the world itself.  She exhibits Pelosi’s confidence, intelligence, and understanding of the tactics of negotiation in her every movement.”

“Villafañe . . .,” reports the TWINY reviewer, “more than holds her own with Taylor, capturing her character’s determination, aggressiveness, and refusal to compromise.”

Samuel L. Leiter on Theater Life acknowledges that while N/A “breaks no ground dramaturgically, it does exactly what it sets out to do, which is to imagine a series of encounters . . . between the politicians.”  He adds that “Holland Taylor and Ana Villafañe are ideally cast, . . . making it easy to imagine that what we’re witnessing approximates reality.”

Leiter points out that “Correa gives both women enough personal detail to make them believable simulacra of the real-life people they represent.”  He adds. “Both performers are excellent and not only because of how closely they resemble their famous counterparts.”

“Villafañe . . . brings fiery conviction to A’s radical aspirations, along with sincere frustration at the political realities she must deal with,” finds Leiter.  “As so often in the past,” he says of Taylor, “I was impressed by how she can turn on a dime from emotion to emotion, or put a spin on three or four words to conjure a big laugh out of them.”

Director Paulus “elicits sharply edged performances,” finds Leiter, “but her staging . . . can be a bit clunky, with blocking seemingly motivated more by a need to get the actors moving than from organic motives; too often, the actors seem to be playing to the audience [rather] than to each other” (as I noted myself).

“As represented by the conflict between the steady, if ploddingly incremental, bridge-building practices of someone like Nancy Pelosi,” Leiter sums up, “and the angry, outspoken, bridge-burning tactics of someone like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the result is a drama that not only has educational value but strikes enough dramatic sparks to light up the stage.”

In N/A’s “fly-on-the-wall view of the pairing of and occasional headbutting between longtime congressional superstar ‘N’ (as in Nancy Pelosi) and blazing newcomer ‘A’ (as in Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez),” says Howard Miller on Talkin’ Broadway,

[t]he sense of authenticity is aided to a prodigious degree by whip-cracking, razor-sharp performances by Holland Taylor as N, delivering both calm self-assuredness and subtle sarcasm with pitch-perfect timing, and Ana Villafañe as A, offering scorching indictments of “the system” with the fervency of an evangelical Fury.

In the end, Miller believes, “even though audience members are unlikely to be surprised by the stances of each of the two, it is the personalities and the beautifully crafted and performed interplay between them that makes N/A such a pleasure to watch.”

On Lighting & Sound America, David Barbour spent most of his notice describing the contents of N/A—and much of that writing about Holland Taylor’s “N”—instead of evaluating it.  He did finally make some critical comments, however:

[Director Paulus] keeps the conversation on a constant simmer and Taylor always has a zinger on hand when things start to get too much like the Sunday morning talk shows.  [Myung Hee] Cho’s spare set design is a fine canvas for the projections by POSSIBLE and Lisa Renkel . . . .

Since we’re clearly in for a wild political summer—I write this on the morning after the first presidential debate, as panic grips Democrats across the land—some, looking for theatrical escape, may find N/A to be a little too much like a ninety-minute session with Politico or The Hill.  But Correa is asking questions that should concern us all and Taylor is a show all by herself.  Democracy may be in crisis but at least we can laugh about it.

“Holland Taylor and Ana Villafañe are perfectly cast in this intelligent and illuminating comedy . . .,” reports Jonathan Mandell in his opening sentence on New York Theater.  “Opening on the night of an unprecedented debate between a President and a former President,” he adds, “the play is itself something of a debate over issues, strategies and priorities that directly apply to the state of the nation now.”

“At the same time, ‘N/A’ aims to entertain.”

Mandell finds that Correa achieves the goal he wrote about in the program (quoted above), “with N and A exchanging views on issues like health care, climate change, and immigration, but ultimately arguing over the best way to effect change.”

The review-writer cavils slightly, saying, “If ‘N/A’ offers little of [Saturday Night Live’s] brand of satiric silliness, the play is threaded with a comic looseness.”  Mandell adds,

Both Congresswomen are undeniably sharp, but it seems unlikely that the real Pelosi and AOC engage in such witty banter, which in my experience is rare to encounter outside a TV show.  Coincidentally or not, much of the production’s design recalls a TV studio, at least a political one, with a barebones set and computer graphics of colorful stars with a “whoosh” sound in between scenes.  

He backs off slightly, acknowledging that “it’s hard to object to the laugh lines in the play, which temper—and are tempered by—the serious discussions . . . .”

It doesn’t hurt that both Holland Taylor and Ana Villafañe are able to deliver the comedy without compromising their credible portrayal of these actual women . . . .

In the end, Mandell has reservations:

“N/A” may not be a political play for the ages.  As the playwright himself acknowledges, it’s only “lightly imagined.”  It doesn’t quite go anywhere.  The ending feels almost arbitrary; nothing is really resolved.  But isn’t that exactly where we are right now?

Darryl Reilly of Theater Scene, dubs N/A a “witty and absorbing two-character fantasia” and says “it believably imagines Pelosi’s contentious relationship with Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.  Generational and ideological clashes abound.” 

Reilly describes the play as “a lively 75-minute battle of opposing wills amidst the passing scene” and reports that “Diane Paulus’s snappy physical staging achieves visual verisimilitude” while “Myung Hee Cho’s spare Lucite-themed scenic design perfectly represents power offices with a museum-style dimension, and her luxurious costume design authentically duplicates Pelosi’s regal red skirt suit and Ocasio-Cortez’s stylish black ensemble.”

He writes that “N/A is a strongly performed and stimulating entertainment” with Taylor delivering “a grand performance using her own distinctive honeyed vocal cadences, rather than attempting a Pelosi impression,” while “Villafañe’s charisma, sleek physicality and animation, accurately capture Ocasio-Cortez’s persona; youthful idealism is movingly articulated.”  Reilly concludes that “Ms. Villafañe’s and Taylor’s marvelous histrionic teamwork puts N/A over as a thoughtful take on contemporary American politics.”

Remarking on Correa’s program note that N/A was “heavily researched and lightly imagined,” Culture Sauce’s Thom Geier laments, “Would that it had been more deeply researched or even more imaginatively executed.  As it stands, the show clearly tips the balance toward the octogenarian in this battle of the wills . . . .”

Geier expresses misgivings about the playwriting, objecting,

There’s a superficiality to the portrayals here, one that seems to be borne of Wikipedia bios, quotes from speeches and interviews, and yes, even, social media posts.  Despite Diane Paulus’s crisp direction, the characters too often seem like animatronic figures from Disney’s Hall of Presidents rather than flesh-and-blood people. 

On Off Off Online, Colin Macdonald declares that “Mario Correa’s N/A . . . is downright enjoyable, with sharp, quippy, idea-laden writing that can feel as though plucked from The West Wing . . . .”  “One doesn’t need to be a political junkie to appreciate N/A,” Macdonald advises, “as its ideas and conflicts are laid out clearly, though there are some Easter eggs for overconsumers of political news . . . .”

The OOO reviewer continues,

Diane Paulus’s precise direction avoids the stasis that can sometimes afflict two-handers: the way the actors sit, orbit one another, and where they stand all seem to symbolize their power struggle—no movement feels slack or accidental.

“A strength of Correa’s writing is the ability to locate humor amid the debates,” finds Macdonald, although “[t]here are moments when the play’s debates feel repetitive . . . .”  The review-writer concludes, “The tug-of-war is engrossing, funny, and ultimately moving, with two fine-tuned performances that evoke the namesake characters but are not crude impressions.”


04 May 2025

"The Arts and the Battle for the Soul of Civilization"

by Dr. Indira Etwaroo 

[The arts are at a crossroads.  I’ve blogged about the theater in crisis, especially the regional repertory companies, but this post is about all the arts, which Dr. Indira Etwaroo labels “the soul of civilization.”  When I started writing and posting about the crisis in America’s theaters, I was referring to finances, shrinking audiences, staffing issues, and other matters all lumped together in the category of arts-administrative concerns.

[The threat that Dr. Etwaroo is writing about below is political.  The culture war is specifically assaulting our arts institutions as surely as the Russians are assaulting Ukraine’s cities and infrastructures.  And the forces arrayed against the theaters, galleries, museums, dance companies, and orchestras—the big ones and the little ones—are using not just money as a weapon, but threats of legal action, and even take-overs.

[Dr. Etwaroo writes about one sector that’s among the most vulnerable: the arts organizations that serve the underserved and marginalized segments of our population.  Her alarming and frightening article was posted on the American Theatre website on 3 April 2025.]

Now is the time for artists and institutions to step up in defense of the most fragile and vulnerable among us—including our arts organizations themselves.

We stand at a critical crossroads in American history—a crossroads where democracy, creative expression, artistic freedom, and the very artists and arts institutions that uphold these ideals face unprecedented threats. It is not lost on me and so many others that one of the first political acts by the current administration—23 days following the inauguration—was the takeover of the Kennedy Center [12 February 2025], the national cultural center of the United States. Nobel Prize-winning writer Toni Morrison [1931-2019] makes clear an urgent truth:

I want to remind us all that art is dangerous. I want to remind you of the history of artists who have been murdered, slaughtered, imprisoned, chopped up, refused entrance. The history of art, whether in music or writing or what have you, has always been bloody, because dictators and people in office, and people who want to control and deceive, know exactly who will disturb their plans. And those people are artists.

[Remarks made by Morrison, appearing with authors Sonia Sanchez (poet and professor; b. 1934) and Ta-Nehisi Coates (b. 1975), on 15 June 2016 at Broadway’s Ambassador Theatre for Arts and Social Justice, an event presented by the Stella Adler Studio of Acting. Each writer also received the studio’s Marlon Brando Award in honor of their joint artistic and social justice commitments.]

At the heart of these threats lies the potential to erode our very civilization—to degrade the cornerstone of America’s enduring experiment in democracy and pluralism. This cornerstone is rooted in the moral arc of the universe, made more dynamic by former Attorney General Eric Holder [b. 1951; 82nd United States Attorney General: 2009-15] when he shared, “The arc of the moral universe bends towards justice—but only when we put our hands on that arc and pull it.” The erosion of civilization would halt that collective pull, silencing the voices and perspectives that embody humanity, decency, beauty, truth, and justice. This is no abstract concern; it is a crisis that demands immediate attention and action, as it risks leaving permanent tears in the already fragile fabric of America’s rich and diverse tapestry.

[The line about “the arc of the moral universe” that Etwaroo attributes to former AG Holder was apparently often quoted by him, most recently, perhaps, on 3 November 2024, when he posted on several social media sites a plea for his followers to vote for Kamala Harris (b. 1964) in the 2024 presidential election.  He didn’t originate the line, however.  He was probably quoting Martin Luther King, Jr. (1929-68), the civil rights leader, who used the line often from as early as 1958.

[The coiner of the phrase—or, at least, the earliest recorded person to use it—appears to have been Theodore Parker (1810-60), an abolitionist and Unitarian minister from Massachusetts, who used it in an 1856 sermon.]

In a fabled lecture, anthropologist Margaret Mead [1901-78] once posed the question, “What is the earliest sign of civilization?” Students suggested answers like a clay pot, tools, or weapons. Mead responded, “The first sign of civilization is a healed femur.” The femur, the longest bone in the body, connects the hip to the knee. In societies without modern medicine, healing a fractured femur requires about six weeks of rest. A healed femur shows that someone cared for the injured person, providing support and protection until the injury healed. Mead explained that in societies where the rule of law is survival of the fittest, no healed femurs are found.

[The origin of the above Mead anecdote remains unknown and there’s no concrete evidence, such as a written statement or a recording of Mead, to verify independently its authenticity.  This search is summed up by Nur Ibrahim, a New York City-based journalist from Pakistan, on Snopes, a fact-checking website. and reported by numerous sources. 

[The attribution to Mead appears to have been popularized by Ira Byock (b. 1951), emeritus professor of medicine and community and family medicine at Dartmouth College’s Geisel School of Medicine, who claimed in his book The Best Care Possible: A Physician’s Quest to Transform Care Through the End of Life (Avery, 2012) that Mead made the statement in answer to a student’s question.  Other sources picked up the anecdote and retold it as fact without attribution.

[In Paul Brand and Philip Yancey’s 1980 book, Fearfully and Wonderfully Made: A Surgeon Looks at the Human and Spiritual Body (Zondervan Publishing House), however, co-author Brand (British physician and surgeon; 1914-2003) recalled a different source for the story: a lecture given by Mead.  The anecdote spread in various renderings in newspapers, speeches, and on the ’Net.

[In an authenticated remark, however, Mead had a different sign of a civilization in an interview she gave in Talks with Social Scientists (Southern Illinois University Press), edited by Charles F. Madden and published in 1968.  A published transcript is linked to Mead's Wikiquote page.  (On Rick On Theater, there are two posts regarding my searches for the sources of quotations and other published documents: “‘A Tennessee Williams Treasure Hunt’” [11 April 2009] and “Literary Detection” [3 January 2011]).]

I am a first-generation Black American woman with Indo-Guyanese ancestry and Southern roots, raised in a lower socioeconomic environment in Southeast Washington, D.C., and Newport News, Virginia. It became clear to me early on that art was not readily accessible to all people. In those formative years, I began to shape what has since evolved into a core conviction: The arts are a fundamental right for all people. As an arts leader, a mother of a daughter, and an artist, I strive to make sense of and bring clarity to an increasingly complex world through the transformative power of creative expression. My work is a continuous search for truth.

This written reflection is rooted in the microcosm of these intersecting identities, understanding that U.S. arts institutions—more than 100,000 strong across the nation—are the cultural anchors that shape the collective consciousness of a country. As Christopher Robichaud [b. 1973], senior lecturer in Ethics and Public Policy at Harvard Kennedy School of Government, shared [posted on his Facebook page, 6 November 2024; reposted on Medium, n.d. (possibly 11 or 12 November]: “This would be the time for the arts, broadly understood, to step in. The arts can change hearts and minds.”

The future of arts organizations, especially those serving the most vulnerable segments of society, hangs in the balance. This fragility is deeply rooted in generations of historical inequities, which have shaped the arts sector, determining whose stories are told, whose voices are heard, and which artists and communities are given the resources to flourish. As August Wilson [playwright; 1945-2005] poignantly declared in his 1996 speech The Ground on Which I Stand, “Black theatre in America is alive, it is vibrant, it is vital . . . it just isn’t funded.” These words resonate as powerfully today as they did decades ago, not only for Black theatres, but for all arts institutions whose unyielding quest for visibility, recognition, resources, and opportunity stands at a pivotal crossroads.

The stark reality of these inequities is laid bare in the data. The 2017 Helicon Collaborative [research and strategy consultancy that focuses on using the power of culture for social good] report Not Just Money: Equity Issues in Cultural Philanthropy reveals that 58 percent of cultural philanthropic support for arts organizations flows to just 2 percent of the largest institutions—those predominantly centered on Western and European art forms. Meanwhile, 98 percent of arts organizations, and the communities they serve, are left with only 42 percent of that funding. This study also reports that a mere 4 percent of all foundation arts funding is allocated to groups whose primary mission is to serve communities of color—i.e., the arts institutions on the frontlines of addressing long-standing community disinvestment and vulnerabilities.

It is meaningful to look across sectors and challenge the disinvestments, even in our own communities. Woodie King Jr. [stage and screen director and producer, and founder of New York City’s New Federal Theatre; b. 1937], in his 1981 book Black Theatre: Present Condition, explains that “wealthy Black Americans, I am sorry to say, do not invest” in Black institutions or projects. “Wealthy Black Americans invest in AT&T or Twentieth Century Fox.” A survey by the DeVos Institute [of Arts Management at the Kennedy Center] found that the median budget of the nation’s 20 largest arts organizations of color is 90 percent smaller than their mainstream counterparts, with many operating on the brink of financial collapse. It goes without saying that vulnerable institutions are seeing long-standing disinvestments in almost all of the diverse revenue streams that are necessary for greater sustainability, community impact, and service to the common good.

“If arts and culture are primary ways that we empathize with, understand, and communicate with other people—including people different than ourselves—then enabling a broad spectrum of cultural voices is fundamental to creating a sense of the commonwealth and overcoming the pronounced socio-political divides we face today,” wrote Holly Sidford and Alexis Frasz in Not Just Money.

The ravaging effects of the Covid-19 pandemic and the reckoning with racial injustice continue to reverberate throughout the arts sector, with most institutions still reeling. This moment demands visionary and decisive action, and it demands a reliance on the freedom of spontaneous creativity with the certainty of intentional conviction—a.k.a. jazz improvisation—to secure the survival of our arts ecosystem, even without the certainty of a notated score or blueprint for what comes next. As Miles Davis [jazz trumpeter, bandleader, and composer; 1926-91] once said, “It’s not the note you play that’s the wrong note—it’s the note you play afterwards that makes it right or wrong.” A spontaneous creativity is especially critical for the institutions most at risk. 

[The statement on improvisation is often attributed to Davis, but it’s not explicitly known where the quotation comes from.]

By no means does my reflection here seek to divide or to diminish the struggles unfolding across the broader arts and culture sector. I believe that we must work together and create solutions as a wider collective. But this reflection is aimed at prioritizing resources for those communities and institutions historically overlooked and most in need during this ongoing crisis—institutions and communities directly in the line of fire. These institutions have focused on immigrants, people of color, the LGBTQ+ community, the disability community, women and girls, and the economically disadvantaged. By increasing support in these areas, we can realize a ripple effect that ensures “all boats rise” across the sector, as we fight for the very soul of our democracy, and indeed, the soul of our civilization.

I am inspired by the work of PolicyLink [national research and action institute dedicated to advancing economic and social equity] founder Angela Glover Blackwell [attorney, civil rights advocate, and author; b. 1944], whose championing of the “curb cut effect” provides a powerful lens for this advocacy. The curb cut on sidewalks was originally designed to assist people with disabilities. But this simple, yet profound intervention has proven to benefit everyone from parents with strollers to bikers, travelers, and workers. The principle behind the curb cut effect is that policies aimed at uplifting the most vulnerable often lead to societal benefits that ripple outward, strengthening the collective whole.

“There’s an ingrained societal suspicion that intentionally supporting one group hurts another,” Glover Blackwell wrote in “The Curb-Cut Effect” for the Stanford Social Innovation Review in [15.1; Winter] 2017. “That equity is a zero sum game. In fact, when the nation targets support where it is needed most—when we create the circumstances that allow those who have been left behind to participate and contribute fully—everyone wins. The corollary is also true: When we ignore the challenges faced by the most vulnerable among us, those challenges, magnified many times over, become a drag on economic growth, prosperity, and national well-being.”

Leaders who serve historically disadvantaged cultural institutions and communities are not lacking in vision, skill, imagination, or the cultural nuances and sensibilities that can only come from within our communities. What is required now are sustained investments and an unshakable belief in our capacity to lead, to be critical changemakers and thought leaders, and to dynamically contribute to a vibrant, flourishing arts ecosystem that anchors a civilization at risk.

Technology is critical to our future, but it is not the next frontier. The construction of larger and more advanced buildings plays a vital role in the growth and expansion of our ecosystem, but they are not the next frontier. The defense and lasting strength of our most fragile institutions and communities—that is the true frontier ahead of us. That is the building of a civilization. A. Philip Randolph [labor unionist and civil rights activist; 1889-1979], leader of the historic 1963 March on Washington [for Jobs and Freedom; 28 August], reminded us that “a community is democratic only when the humblest and weakest person can enjoy the highest civil, economic, and social rights that the biggest and most powerful possess.”

Without well-orchestrated and highly coordinated interventions and partnerships among the philanthropic, corporate, community, and arts and culture sectors, these long-standing fragile institutions may shutter, recalling the time when federal funding cuts in the 1990s meant that 87 percent of Black theatre institutions at the time were unable to keep their doors open. Just in New York City, eight African American theatres closed in the 1990s, as Samuel A. Hay [playwright and founder of the National Conference of African American Theatre (1983); b. 1937] recorded in African American Theatre: An Historical and Critical Analysis (Cambridge University Press, 1994). Without the larger arts and culture sector protecting the very institutions that hold and embody the rich diverse narratives that are our great pluralistic and democratic experiment, the arts and culture sector could very well become part of the cultural monolith that we are trying to push back against—one that builds empires and not civilizations.

I understand that equity is not a monolithic or singular construct, but a complex and multifaceted intersectionality. It is woven through the threads of race, gender, sexual orientation, nationality, faith, and so much more. This nuanced, holistic understanding is the frontier we must embrace if we are to advance together. So many institutions across this vast and beautiful cultural sector have stood resolutely at the intersection of social justice and the arts, serving as guiding lights for marginalized voices to be heard and celebrated. Now, as we face this pivotal moment, we must stand poised to redefine the very role of arts institutions and reach a resounding radical consensus—to challenge the status quo, to reimagine our purpose, and to set about “imagining a world,” in the words of Audre Lorde [writer, professor, philosopher, intersectional feminist, poet, and civil rights activist; 1934-92], “in which we can all flourish.” With the need to exercise unprecedented courage, conviction, and an indefatigable commitment to building a civilization that will live past our time—as one plants trees under whose shade they may never sit—we can rise to defend this right, stand against the forces that seek to dismantle it, and shape a future where healed femurs abound, standing as a living testament to our shared humanity and the unbreakable strength of a collective will to heal our fragile and fractured democracy.

Pulitzer Prize-winning writer Alice Walker [b. 1944] admonished: “The most common way people give up their power is by thinking they don’t have any.” [This statement is widely circulated in print and digital media as a quotation from Walker, but its original source isn’t known. The exact time and place where she first made this remark isn’t documented.] I would humbly recommend a few actions that can be taken now. I am confident there are many more.

•   A National Cross-Sector Arts Task Force: This task force would bring together national leaders from philanthropies, corporations, communities, and the arts and culture sector with a focus on a strategic, multi-year plan to invest in arts institutions that are specifically in the line of fire at this time: immigrants, people of color, the LGBTQ+ community (particularly trans people), the disability community, women and girls, and the economically disadvantaged.

•   Community Standing with Community: Community leaders, community members, and businesses can seek out vulnerable institutions and invest in them: buy tickets, donate (giving at every level is meaningful), and create sponsorships and partnerships to build resiliency and greater connections among the community. Volunteer! If there is a skill or pro bono service that can be provided to move an institution forward, provide it. Make Some Noise! For these vulnerable institutions who may be in danger of closing their doors in silence, don’t let it happen. Share their website and upcoming events on social media to keep them alive and well. Use your influence. Share with your followers.

We have the power to reimagine the world, but only as a collective. In the midst of World War II, Pulitzer-winning writer Katherine Anne Porter [1890-1980; Ship of Fools was the best-selling novel in 1962; 1966 Pulitzer Prize for Fiction and National Book Award for The Collected Stories of Katherine Anne Porter] penned a sentiment in 1940 that resonates with the struggles we now face—words that provide hope, encourage us to take the long view, and propel us forward . . . together:

In the face of such shape and weight of present misfortune, the voice of the individual artist may seem perhaps of no more consequence than the whirring of a cricket in the grass, but the arts do live continuously, and they live literally by faith; their names and their shapes and their uses and their basic meanings survive unchanged in all that matters through times of interruption, diminishment, neglect; they outlive governments and creeds and the societies, even the very civilization that produced them. They cannot be destroyed altogether because they represent the substance of faith and the only reality. They are what we find again when the ruins are cleared away [introduction to the 1940 Modern Library edition of Flowering Judas].

[Dr. Indira Etwaroo (b. 1971) is a producer, director, scholar, and arts and culture executive.  She’s artistic director and CEO of Harlem Stage.

[As I noted above, I blogged on the crisis besetting theaters in the United States several times in recent months.  Look for my occasional series subtitled the “Regional Theater Series.”  I’ve also written and reposted a number of articles on the culture wars and advocating the support for the arts both in schools and in the communities.  The complete list would be too long to append here, but “The First Amendment & The Arts” (8 May 2010) and “Censorship on School Stages” (30 July 2023) are two pieces that I’d suggest.

[And one more, a real old essay (not of my writing) that I think is important.  It was written in 1939, almost 85 years ago, by a highly esteemed reporter and political commentator, Walter Lippmann (1889-1974).  It’s called “The Indispensable Opposition” (16 November 2011), and I think it’s something that every American should read.  It applies here.]


16 June 2020

The Anarchist Prince, Part 2


[Below is Part 2 of my profile of Pyotr Kropotkin, one of the most famous anarchist thinkers and writers of the movement.  Since this installment starts where Part 1 left off, I strongly recommend that readers who are just encountering “The Anarchist Prince” go back to the first section (posted on 13 June) before venturing into the conclusion.

[After finishing Kropotkin’s biography, I move on to a brief examination of his political philosophy and then I discuss, also briefly, two of his books.]

On 6 September 1901, four months after Pyotr Kropotkin’s departure from the United States, President William McKinley (1843-1901; 25th President of the United States: 1897-1901) was shot in Buffalo, New York, by a self‑proclaimed anarchist named Leon Czolgosz (1873-1901); McKinley died on 14 September, succeeded by Vice President Theodore Roosevelt (1858-1919; 26th President of the United States: 1901-09).  

Rumors spread of an anarchist plot hatched by Kropotkin and U.S. anarchist Emma Goldman.  Chicago’s Hull House was alleged to have been the scene of their conspiracy during Kropotkin’s visit earlier that year (see Part 1).  It was pure fabrication, of course, but Kropotkin was disturbed because of the repressions suffered by his Chicago comrades, including Hippolyte Havel.

In his final years, Kropotkin concentrated on writing.  His works during this period included an autobiography, Memoirs of a Revolutionist (1899); Fields, Factories and Workshops (1901), which discusses the decentralization of industries, the possibilities for agriculture, and the uses of small industries; Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution (1902; first English edition published in New York the same year), which proposed that collaboration is the natural order of the world for both humans and beasts; and The Great French Revolution (1893; English translation: 1909), Kropotkin’s alternative view of the French Revolution of 1789.  
                                                                                                           
These and his other writings, such as Words of a Rebel (1885), which was written while he was in Clairvaux Prison (see Part 1) and outlines the basic premises of anarcho-communism and the shortcomings of capitalism and representative democracy, and The Conquest of Bread (1892), which first appeared as a series of articles in Le Révolté in which Kropotkin surveys economic methods for the fulfillment of human needs, turned him into a world-renowned political figure.  

Emma Goldman declared: “We saw in him the father of modern anarchism, its revolutionary spokesman and brilliant exponent of its relation to science, philosophy and progressive thought.”  Goldman dubbed Kropotkin the “godfather of anarchism.”  (I’ll discuss some of these writings along with Kropotkin’s political philosophy briefly following his biography.)

In 1912, the anarchists of Europe, the U.S., and Australia celebrated Kropotkin’s 70th birthday and in 1914, at the beginning of the World War I, the veteran anarchist expressed a firm pro-Triple Entente position in the pages of a Russian political newspaper.  (The Triple Entente was the agreement before the war among France, Great Britain, and Russia against the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austro-Hungary, and Italy.)

Two years later, Kropotkin and Jean Grave (1854-1939), an eminent French anarcho-communist, drafted a document called the “Manifesto of the Sixteen,” which advocated an Allied victory over Germany and the Central Powers (Germany, Austro-Hungary, and the Ottoman Empire—Italy having declared neutrality in 1915) in World War I.  It was first published on 14 March 1916 and subsequently widely disseminated.  Because of the “Manifesto,” Kropotkin found himself isolated by the mainstream of the anarchist movement, which had staked out an anti-war position.

In Russia, the February Revolution, which occurred between 8 and 16 March 1917 (in the new calendar; in the old style, still in use in Russia, it was in February, hence the name), brought a provisional republican government to power in Petrograd and forced the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II (1868-1918; reigned: 1894-1917) and the end of Romanov rule.  (The tsar and his family were secretly executed by firing squad in Yekaterinburg in the early hours of 17 July 1918.)

The 74-year-old Kropotkin returned to Russia on 30 May 1917 after 40 years of exile.  He was greeted at the train station in Petrograd by Aleksandr Kerensky (1881-1970; Minister-Chairman of the Russian Provisional Government: 21 July-7 November 1917), at the time, the Minster of War of the new Russian Republic, and Nikolai Tchaikovsky, now a deputy of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies.

The former émigré was offered the Ministry of Education in Kerensky’s Provisional Government, which he promptly refused.  Kropotkin felt that working with the bourgeois, capitalist administration would be a violation of his anarchist principles.

On 6-7 November 1917 (25-26 October old style), the Bolsheviks launched the October Revolution, forcing out the Kerensky government in Petrograd (the new name for Saint Petersburg until 1924, when it was renamed again as Leningrad).  The republican government ceded authority to the Bolshevik communists led by Vladimir Lenin (1870-1924; Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars: 1917-24). 

In a little less than a year, Russia went from the Russian Empire to the Russian Republic to the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic.  (The Soviet Union, formally the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, or USSR, was established in 1922.)

Kropotkin was at first enthusiastic about the changes in his homeland after the Bolsheviks took control, but he soon grew fearful of the methods of the Bolshevik dictatorship, especially the Red Terror, the tactic of punitive measures taken by the Bolsheviks during the Russian Civil War (1917-1923) against perceived class enemies and people accused of counter-revolutionary activities.  Kropotkin persisted in expressing these feelings in writing, though he never again participated actively in politics. 

Kropotkin saw the Bolsheviks consolidating power in the center, precisely what the old anarchist opposed.  He knew a party with this power wouldn’t share it with anyone, most importantly, not the people.  In Kropotkin’s eyes, the revolution must become a nationwide effort, enveloping all classes.

In March 1920, Kropotkin wrote a letter to Lenin admonishing the Bolshevik leader that Russia was a Soviet Republic in name only, that it wasn’t people’s soviets that governed the country but party committees.  (The word soviet is Russian for ‘council.’  The word predates the communist era and is formed from the prefix со-, meaning ‘with’ [the equivalent of the Latin com-] and the old Slavic verb веть, ‘to talk’ or ‘to inform.’)

The Soviet government tried to keep the old revolutionary within the pale as he was considered a hero of the cause.  Kropotkin’s name was still revered by many communists and members of the government and the party didn’t want to see him actively oppose them so that they’d have to take action to neutralize his influence.

Toward this end, the Soviet government reached out to offer Kropotkin an apartment in the Kremlin and rations.  The People’s Commissar of Education even wrote to Sofya Grigoryevna to ask her to influence Pyotr Alekseyevich not to reject help from the government—probably in order to put the Bolshevik imprimatur on him as a sort of ward of the government.  Kropotkin, though, firmly refused government help.

The Kropotkins moved out of Moscow in July 1918 to Dmitrov, a small city some miles north.  With the civil war between the Reds (communists) and the Whites (republicans) still raging, not to mention the Red Terror under the direction of Feliks Dzerzhinsky (1877-1926), head of the Soviet secret police, Kropotkin was issued a “security certificate” signed by Lenin himself in order to protect him from harassment or arrest—or worse.

Nonetheless, during the last years of his life in Dmitrov, despite Lenin’s order not to interfere with him, Kropotkin lived under the vigilant surveillance of agents of Dzerzhinsky’s Cheka—the precursor to all the Soviet secret police agencies of USSR history, including the NKVD, the MVD, and, finally, the KGB..

All the Soviet government’s efforts didn’t stop Kropotkin from criticizing the Bolshevik revolution.  He continued his active social activities and worked on a new book, Ethics: Origin and Development, one of the foundational texts of the anarchist movement.  Continuing the argument of Mutual Aid, Ethics traces the development of moral teachings from ancient Greece, Christianity, and the Middle Ages through 19th-century philosophers.  The book remained unfinished at his death but the first volume was published posthumously in 1922.

In January 1921, Kropotkin fell ill with pneumonia. Lenin sent a group of the country’s best doctors, led by the People’s Commissar of Health, to Dmitrov.  The government offered Kropotkin enhanced nutrition and special rations, but he wouldn’t accept any special privileges and declined the offers.

Pyotr Alekseyevich Kropotkin died quietly in the early hours of 8 February 1921 at the age of 78.  The next day, the newspapers announced his death and printed the funeral arrangements on their front pages. 

The anarchist prince’s body was transported by train from Dmitrov to Moscow where his casket lay in state in the Hall of Columns.  Mourners, including hundreds of delegations from Moscow plants, factories, and institutions, as well as thousands of ordinary people came to bid farewell to the revolutionary hero for two days.  Near the coffin stood anarchists as a guard of honor.

Kropotkin was buried with great pomp on 13 February at Moscow’s Novodevichy Cemetery, the burial place during the Soviet era second in prestige only to the Kremlin Wall Necropolis.  Emma Goldman, then living in Russia to which she’d been deported in 1919, came to deliver a eulogy.  Even at his funeral, however, Chekists kept a surreptitious eye on the proceedings.

In Dmitrov, a street was named in Kropotkin’s honor and the house where the geographer and writer had lived was turned into a museum.  All over Russia, especially in places where he’d lived or worked, monuments were raised to Kropotkin and places were renamed in his honor.  In 2004, a monument was erected to Kropotkin in Dmitrov; it stands, appropriately enough, on Kropotkinskaya Street.

Anarchism, which comes from the combination of the Greek prefix an- (αν; ‘without’) and the word arkhos (αρχοϛ; ‘leader’ or ‘ruler’), is defined by Kropotkin as:

a principle or theory of life and conduct under which society is conceived without government—harmony in such a society being obtained, not by submission to law, or by obedience to any authority, but by free agreements concluded between the various groups, territorial and professional, freely constituted for the sake of production and consumption, as also for the satisfaction of the infinite variety of needs and aspirations of a civilized being.

He wrote further:

A society to which pre-established forms, crystallized by law, are repugnant; which looks for harmony in an ever-changing and fugitive equilibrium between a multitude of varied forces and influences of every kind, following their own course, – these forces themselves promoting the energies which are favorable to their march towards progress, towards the liberty of developing in broad daylight and counterbalancing one another.

The central theme of Kropotkin’s numerous political writings is the abolition of all forms of government in favor of a society operating solely on the principle of mutual aid and cooperation, rather than through governmental institutions.  Anarchism’s historical association with chaos and violence is outside Kropotkin’s definition of the philosophy. 

This conception, though, comes mostly from opponents of anarchism because the movement poses a threat to established authority.  You see that Kropotkin stressed harmony in his anarchistic society, which would ideally be more and better organized than a capitalistic and democratic one. 

The same is true of violence.  Despite his backing of the Allies in World War I and his initial support of the February Revolution, Kropotkin’s beliefs were steadfastly non-violent—he didn’t support the Bolsheviks, who used violence to suppress opposition—and he held that cooperation, not competitiveness, was the way to advance the human condition. 

Mutual Aid attacked the Social Darwinists for their conception of nature and human society as essentially competitive.  He insisted that cooperation and collaboration were the norms in both the natural and social worlds. 

This is a pretty fair basic definition of anarchism, at least as seen by Pyotr Kropotkin.  The philosophy is far more complex than this, however, but this isn’t the place for a full examination of the movement.  (Fortunately, there are plenty of books, articles, and websites to which the curious reader can turn for additional discussion.) 

In addition, as I pointed out earlier, anarchism isn’t monolithic; there are factions and branches.  While opposition to the state is central to anarchist thought, much of the rest of the movement varies from group to group.  For this reason, the Encyclopædia Britannica calls anarchism a “cluster of doctrines and attitudes.” 

Just as anarchism prime is too big a topic to cover here, the varieties of the philosophy are too numerous for me even to list, much less describe.  So I’m going to try to distinguish, however simplistically, among the few factions I named earlier—which are only the ones espoused by comrades of Kropotkin I included in his biography above.

The history of modern anarchism goes back to the 18th century around the period of the French Revolution (1789)—which is why one of Kropotkin’s earliest political books, The Great French Revolution, was on that historical event.  The first person to call himself an anarchist was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1840 in Qu’est ce que la propriété? [What Is Property?]), a major influence on Kropotkin’s thinking.  He labeled himself a “mutualist.” 

Mutualism is an anarchist doctrine and economic system that promotes a socialist society based on free markets and the rights of the occupation and use of property (usufructs).  Mutualism is founded on the Marxist economic theory which states that when workers sell the products of their labor, they should be paid in money, goods, or services equal to the amount of labor required to produce the products (labor theory of value, or LTV).

Mikhail Bakunin, among the most influential figures of anarchism and one of the most famous ideologues in Europe, was a collectivist anarchist.  The principal rival of Karl Marx (1818-83), who, with his collaborator Friedrich Engels (1820-95), was essentially the inventor of modern communism, Bakunin engineered the split with the First International in 1872 that led to the formation of the Jura Federation, which Kropotkin joined.  Bakunin became a sort of mentor to the younger anarchist and helped him form many of his theories.

Collectivist anarchism is a revolutionary socialist concept founded on abolishing both the state and private ownership of the means of production.  Collectivist anarchists envision in its place the collective ownership of the means of production, controlled and self-managed by the producers and workers themselves (that is, a collective). 

Once collectivization has been accomplished, money would be abolished and payment for goods and services would be made with labor notes.  Workers’  pay would be determined based on job difficulty and the amount of time they contributed to production.

Henry Seymour, the Englishman who brought Kropotkin to Britain in 1886, was an individualist anarchist, the branch of anarchism that emphasizes the individual and her or his will over external factors such as groups, society, traditions, and ideological systems.

To make the matter of differentiating among the various anarchism sects all the more blurry, individualist anarchism and a form called social anarchism (not to be confused with anarchist socialism, which I’ll get to) are mutually influential—though they are also often contrasted. 

Mutualists are sometimes considered a subset of individualist anarchism, sometimes of social anarchism.  Anarcho-communists, the form to which Kropotkin subscribed, have sometimes described themselves as radical individualist anarchists. 

And I have deliberately not added to this rat’s nest of political thought all the alternative labels each anarchistic faction has.

You can already see how confusing the taxonomy of anarchism can get—and there are a minimum of a dozen or so groups and subgroups (and I’m sure there are also sub-subgroups as well).  If it all begins to sound like the Little-Endians and the Big-Endians from Jonathan Swift’s 1726 novel Gulliver’s Travels (in the story about Lilliput), you’re not wrong.

Charlotte Wilson, Seymour’s erstwhile colleague at The Anarchist newspaper until she and Kropotkin split with him to start their own paper, Freedom, was an anarchist socialist (as I said, not to be confused with a social anarchist).  Wilson was also a member of the Fabian Society, a socialist organization to which George Bernard Shaw belonged as well, and he reportedly labeled her the lone Fabian anarchist (see Part 1). 

The Fabians’ mission was to promote the precepts of democratic socialism in democratic nations and was one of the founding organizations of the British Labour Party; it was hardly a radical body.  Wilson’s branch of anarchism, also known as libertarian socialism among other designations, is a set of socialist political philosophies such as anti-authoritarianism, anti-statism, and libertarianism that eschews the notion of socialism as a movement that espouses centralized state control of the economy.

Like all anarchists, anarchist socialists reject the state itself and they promote decentralized structures of political organizations.   Like the collectivist anarchists, anarchist socialists support the self-management of the workplace by the workers themselves and an overall decentralization through direct democracy of all governing or regulating bodies. 

Emma Goldman, arguably the most famous anarchist in the U.S. in her day (she was popularly known as “Red Emma”) was aligned with many causes and -isms, including feminism, atheism, anti-militarism, anti-capitalism, and advocated for many issues like prison reform, free love (before the hippies), and homosexual rights (long before there was a gay liberation movement). 

Goldman doesn’t seem to have become strongly associated with any specific branch of anarchism, however—though she appears to have leaned toward anarcho-communism.  Like Pyotr Kropotkin, another anarcho-communist, she withdrew support of the Bolsheviks over their statist power structure and their use of violence and terror.

Nikolai Tchaikovsky, known in Russia in his day as the “grandfather of the Russian revolution,” was not an anarchist; he was a revolutionary socialist.  The Tchaikovsky Circle, named for him and which Pyotr Kropotkin joined in 1873, was an element in the Narodnik movement, Russian populism (narod is Russian for ‘people’ or ‘folk’) whose adherents advocated an agrarian socialist reformation. 

Revolutionary socialists believe that social revolution is required to effect changes in the structure of society, to transition it from capitalism to socialism.  In their epistemology, revolution doesn’t necessarily mean a violent insurrection, but a seizure of political power by the working class so that the state is abolished or directly controlled by the working class rather than the capitalist class.  It’s not hard to see why anarchists like Kropotkin would gravitate to factions like the Tchaikovsky Circle.

Finally, I come to anarcho-communism, the branch to which Pyotr Kropotkin himself subscribed.  I deliberately left it till last in order to spotlight it.  With a slew of alternative names, anarcho-communism stands for abolishing the state, capitalism, wage labor, and private property.  Anarcho-communists carve out an exemption for personal and collectively-owned property. 

They believe in the common ownership by the society as a whole (not a collective of workers) of the means of production and direct democracy, along with a network of workers’ councils to organize society.  Production and consumption of goods would be based on the guiding principle “From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs” (as Karl Marx put it in his 1875 “Critique of the Gotha Program”). 

Kropotkin felt that the collectivist anarchists’ labor notes, which would be exchanged for goods in the communal market, would soon become a new currency and give rise to a state again—a kind of revanchist capitalism. 

Under anarcho-communism, wages would be abolished and workers would simply draw on a storehouse of goods in accordance with the Marxist principle.

As for the common—as opposed to collective—ownership and the abolishment of private property: it may go back to a statement of Proudhon’s, Kropotkin’s first anarchist influence.  In What Is Property?, the French mutualist insisted, in a slogan that has become almost iconic: “Property is theft!” (“La propriété, c’est le vol!”).

Though Kropotkin didn’t invent anarcho-communism, he became its principle theoretician and explicator and it’s largely associated with him (and vice versa). 

Now, let’s take a quick look at a couple of Kropotkin’s books, namely what are arguably his two most important, in the sense that they are his best known and his most often read—by people outside the anarchism world.  I’m talking about Memoirs of a Revolutionist from 1899 and 1902’s Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution.

Parts of what became Memoirs of a Revolutionist were first published in The Atlantic Monthly between September 1898 and  September 1899 under the title “The Autobiography of a Revolutionist.”  In 1899, the book version was released by Houghton Mifflin with an introduction by Georg Brandes (1842-1927), a Danish critic and scholar who’d help launch the Danish Social Liberal Party (Danish: Radikale Venstre, literally “Radical Left”) in 1906.  

In this autobiography, focusing largely on the first 45 years of his life, Kropotkin recounts his youth in the imperial court and his military service in Siberia.  He describes his imprisonment in Saint Petersburg, his escape, and his exile in Western Europe.  

He provides depictions of life in 19th-century Russia, covering examples of the gulf between the aristocracy and the serfs and scenes of plots hatched in the dead of night outside the tsar’s palace.  As an eminent geographer and cartographer, Kropotkin writes fascinatingly about his explorations of Siberia and the Russian Far East.  

The writer draws a picture of tsarist Russia under the rule of Tsar Alexander II and discusses the movements agitating for social and political change and the evolution of the socialist and anarchist activities and ideology in Switzerland, France, and England in which he participated in the aftermath of the suppression of the 1871 Paris Commune.

The essays of Mutual Aid were initially published in the British periodical The Nineteenth Century between 1890 and 1896.  They explore the role of mutually-beneficial cooperation and reciprocity (that is, “mutual aid”) in both the animal kingdom and human societies of the past and the author’s own time.  The first book edition was published in New York by McClure, Phillips & Co in 1902.

Considered a fundamental text of anarcho-communism, the book is a refutation of the theories of society of social Darwinism  that emphasize competition and survival of the fittest, and the romantic depictions by thinkers such as Swiss philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-78), who thought that cooperation was motivated by universal love.  Kropotkin argues instead that mutual aid has pragmatic advantages for the survival of human and animal communities. 

Kropotkin presents a scientific argument for communism as an alternative to the historical materialism of the Marxists, which argues that history is the result of material conditions rather than ideals.  The author based his conclusions on his observations of natural phenomena and history.

The anarchist writer considers mutual aid important for prosperity and survival in the animal kingdom, in indigenous and early European societies, in Medieval cities, and in the late-19th-century village, labor movement, and poor communities.  

Kropotkin castigates the state for destroying historically important mutual aid institutions such as medieval craft guilds, unions, so-called friendly societies, and fraternal organizations, particularly by means of the imposition of private property.

Kropotkin drew from his first-hand observations in Siberia, the Russian Far East, and Mongolia, where he studied indigenous animal populations, noting that the most effective communities were essentially cooperative, rather than competitive.  As a consequence, biologists also consider Mutual Aid an important source in the scientific study of cooperation.

[A word or two about my spellings of Russian words and names.  It’s my practice to transliterate the Cyrillic spellings as closely as I can using the Latin alphabet.  Hence I write Aleksandr because it’s closer to the Cyrillic spelling than Alexander.  I make an exception for words or names that have become commonly rendered in a familiar way, such as the names of the Russian tsars like Nicholas or Alexander.

[Readers will find that many Russian words and (especially) names have multiple spellings in English, such as Pyotr Kropotkin, whose first name is also rendered as Piotr and even Peter.  (I won’t even go onto the additional variations that occur when transliterating Russian into other languages such as German or French!)  I try to be consistent, but the variations make looking the figures up difficult and confusing.]