[Welcome to the
final part of the history of Actors’ Equity, the stage actors’ and stage
managers’ union in the United States.
Part Two picks up after the successful 1919 strike against the
theatrical producers and managers that established Equity as a force in both
American theater and American organized labor.
Once recognized as the true representative of the professional stage
actor and a voice for American culture and art, Equity engaged in struggles for
both the dignity and welfare of actors and stage managers and for many social
causes that affect us all, performers and audiences—and even those who never
set foot inside a theater. (If you
haven’t read Part One, I urge you to go back and do so. I promise you’ll find the saga most
illuminating.)]
As well-established
as the Actors’ Equity Association is now, it wasn’t always. Like the emerging labor movement as a whole,
there were many struggles and controversies as the actors’ union fought for
recognition and respect. I love the way
the New York Times described this
period in its report on the 50th-anniversary celebration in 1963:
Although Equity is now a prosperous union,
its early years have enough drama, color and dash to make a half-million dollar
musical with five turntables, a dozen sets and costumes to clothe the cast of a
Hippodrome revue. There were skirmishes
on-stage and off-stage: first for a standard contract, then for clean dressing
rooms, for good working conditions, no extra performances without pay and
transportation to and from New York for road companies.
By the 1950s and beyond, though, Actors’ Equity was a recognized force
in American theater, most prominently (but hardly exclusively) in New York
City. When Off-Broadway became a
significant arena for serious theater, Equity organized there, as it did in
regional repertory theaters across the country, dinner theaters, industrial
shows, theme parks, and outdoor historical pageants—venues that didn’t exist or
hardly did in 1913 and 1919. (SAG took
over the representation of actors in films and some television and AFRA became
the bargaining body for radio artists until it transformed into AFTRA and then
merged with SAG to form a single union for all the electronic performance
media.) The next major battle for Equity
came in 1960 when the union fought to obtain a pension plan for its
members. The producers balked at funding
the plan through the standard contract, saying it would cause a rise in ticket
prices (around $20-25 at the time). On
24 May, a large assemblage of Equity members supported a strike vote, promising
that if no agreement were reached by the 31st, the day before the contract
deadline, one show a night would be closed down. The League of New York Theatres (a successor to the PMA later renamed the League of New
York Theatres and Producers, becoming
the League of American Theatres and Producers in the ‘80s and now known as the
Broadway League) countered that if one show was closed by the actors, the producers would
close all the rest—a lock-out, in essence.
No agreement was reached and on 1 June, Equity closed The Tenth Man at the Booth. The League retaliated by closing the rest of
the Broadway houses. The press dubbed it
the Broadway Blackout and a worried Mayor Robert Wagner (1910-91) offered a
compromise on 13 June to break the stalemate.
The mayor would get the City Council to repeal the 5% per-ticket
Amusement Tax and in exchange the producers would pay a percentage of the
box-office take into a pension fund for Broadway unions. Twenty-two shows had closed and three never
reopened, but both sides got something they wanted.
For a while, at least. In four
years, another, shorter crisis arose when a new contract was under negotiation
and the mayor again interceded, this time to get the parties to extend the
deadline. Nonetheless, on 7 June 1964,
pickets halted the Sunday matinee performances of The Deputy at the Brooks Atkinson Theatre and
Oliver! at the Imperial and Mayor Wagner met with negotiators of Equity and
the League until 3 a.m. at Gracie Mansion to hammer out a tentative agreement
on increased minimum salaries, equalized rehearsal and performance pay, and the
establishment of a “Principal Interview” clause. The 1964 Broadway strike lasted 27 hours.
Then came 1968 . . . and yet another
negotiation with the League. The
previous October, actor Angus Duncan (1936–2002), executive secretary of AEA
from 1952 to 1972, asserted, “Let this be fair warning to all with whom we
may negotiate. We intend to be fair; but
we also intend to negotiate from a position of strength. These may well be trying times. Let them try us. We won’t be found wanting.” Perhaps he knew what was coming, because on 7
June 1968, the union shut Broadway down again, this time for three days. Wages and working conditions were once again
the sticking points when the actors rejected the contract proposal offered by
the League on the 2nd. Mayor John
Lindsay (1921-2000) stepped in and brokered an agreement that included the
highest minimum-salary increase up to that point in history. At the same time, the Oriental Actors of
America picketed a New York City production of The King and I
(Off-Broadway at the City Center with Constance Towers as Anna and Michael
Kermoyan as the King), which cast Caucasian actors to play Asian roles. The group’s co-chairman, actor Alvin Lum said,
“Obviously, the Management believes the Oriental is incapable of portraying
himself.” This controversy would return
as an issue for Equity in 1991, with playwright David Henry Hwang in the
forefront.
A number of issues that Equity had been
dealing with for decades collided in the second half of 1990, namely the
importation of actors from Britain (an aspect of the on-going negotiations
among INS, British Equity, and AEA on the equitable exchange of talent and
reciprocity), non-traditional casting, and ethnic sensibility in casting. When Cameron Mackintosh, the British producer
of Miss Saigon, and the Shubert Organization applied for authorization
to cast Welsh actor Jonathan Pryce in the Broadway production in the role of a
Eurasian character in the musical (a Franco-British adaptation of Madame
Butterfly), fierce criticism and press scrutiny followed Equity’s initial decision
to reject the producer’s request. The Caucasian
actor wore eye prostheses and yellow-face makeup to play the part which
incensed many Asians, especially actors. “We cannot even begin to fight for
non-traditional casting if audiences are not given permission to accept us
enacting characters of our own colors,” insisted actor B. D. Wong as these
questions suddenly played out on the world stage. The union council reversed itself after a
storm of criticism in the media and from AEA members, and Pryce performed the
role which he originated in London (and for which he won both a 1991 Tony and
Drama Desk Award here). Obie-, Drama
Desk-, and Tony-winning playwright David Henry Hwang (FOB, M.
Butterfly, Golden Child) became a prominent voice for Asian actors
and the Asian-American community on this issue and ultimately wrote Yellow
Face (2008 Obie) to recount his experience of and feelings about this controversy.
In November 1970, Equity’s talks with the League of Off-Broadway
Theatres and Producers, founded in 1959 to represent Off-Broadway
producers and theater owners, broke down over issues of minimum pay, pension
contributions, and the union’s jurisdiction over the arena. With 17 Off-Broadway shows at issue, a state
mediator stepped in after a week of fruitless negotiations and recommended
submitting to binding arbitration, the first time Equity had done that over a
contract dispute. The union’s first
Off-Broadway strike lasted 31 days, but Equity won a raise in the minimum wage
and assured its jurisdiction for Off-Broadway theaters. A one-day strike in 1974 resulted in Equity
allowing Off-Broadway theaters to increase their seating from 299 to 499,
making Off-Broadway a more potentially profitable arena.
With Off-Broadway having become an important
theater venue and significant employer for union actors and other theater
artists, Equity became more and more engaged there, of course. But with the rise of Off-Broadway into a
viable commercial and established production arena, new non-commercial and
experimental production outlets began to appear to take the place of the
graying Broadway and Off-Broadway. Along
came Off-Off-Broadway, centered in Greenwich Village and the East Village (but
really burgeoning all over the city and, in spirit, beyond). The Off-Off-Broadway Alliance, known as OOBA
(and later renamed the Alliance of Regional Theatres/New York, or ART/NY),
formed in 1972 to serve as a professional organization for the scores of small
theaters and productions attracting talent to storefronts, basements, and
church halls. Actors’ Equity was caught
in a conundrum: these tiny theaters didn’t pay salaries or issue contracts, but
they did offer actors a place to work, be seen, and stretch artistic muscles
into new postures. So, in order to keep
its members from being exploited but still permit them, especially new members
who needed the exposure, to work in an exciting arena that was also feeding the
more established theater, Equity issued a code that dictated how union actors
could be employed in Off-Off-Broadway productions. (This, by the way, is when I arrived on the
scene—so to speak. I came to New York in
1974 and hit the streets to make the rounds in this very arena.) In August 1975, Equity Council released a
Code for Equity Showcases that garnered strong criticism from both the
Off-Off-Broadway producers and Equity actors alike. Code requirements and restrictions were seen
as onerous to both the theaters and the actors who wanted to work in them. On
18 August, Off-Off Broadway producers held a huge rally at the Public Theater,
threatening to ban union actors from their productions unless Equity revised
the Code. On 25 August, angry Equity
members assembled at the Majestic Theatre for over four hours and the Equity membership
voted overwhelmingly to suspend the Code “until a new agreement is discussed by
authorized representatives of Off-Off Broadway and AEA.” Talks resumed in 1978 and, after four years of
debate and disagreement, the new Codes for New York City Showcases were issued in
1979. (The Code was eventually replaced
in the ’80s by the Funded Non-Profit Theatre Code and the Approved Showcase
Code.)
During the mid-1970s, the stretch of
Manhattan’s West 42nd Street between 9th and 11th Avenue began to be known
colloquially as “Theatre Row.” The two
blocks, far west of the Times Square theater strip of song and movie titles,
had descended into disrepute as a center of strip shows and grind houses, but
it was also a real-estate goldmine for small theaters looking for spaces. Leases were cheap (because no one wanted to
go over there much) and many of the buildings were actual theaters, though
tatty and seedy. So, small companies and
productions moved in, eventually elbowing the strippers and stag flicks
out. (I actually did a show over there,
at the Nat Horne Theater, a former strip joint at 440 W. 42nd Street, before
the renovation.) In 1975, Playwrights
Horizons, an established purveyor of new plays, moved in—and the designation
became (nearly) official. Theatre Row
was the future center of Off- and Off-Off-Broadway. After extensive lobbying, Equity persuaded New
York City and State agencies to establish Manhattan Plaza, a federally-subsidized,
1,600-apartment highrise, as housing primarily for performing artists. Opening in 1977, this development, occupying an entire city block between 42nd and 43rd
Streets and 9th and 10th Avenues, helped anchor the revitalization of Theatre Row, which became the
strip’s official name. Extensive
rebuilding concluded in 2000, including several new theaters, a luxury highrise
for residences and offices, and a hotel, has turned Theatre Row into one of New
York City’s most vital theater locales—employing, not coincidentally, hundreds
of Equity members a year, along with their brothers and sisters in other
theatrical unions.
In May 1977, a group of talent agents filed a
federal anti-trust suit against Actors’ Equity over its policy of
franchising agents who are permitted to represent union members, a policy in
place since 1928. (All the performer’s
union follow a similar policy, ostensibly to protect their members from
unscrupulous agents who charged outrageous fees for their services, sent actors
to phony casting calls, or behaved toward their clients in ways that ranged
from unethical to dangerous to illegal.)
In October 1979, the agents lost the case but vowed to appeal it to the
Supreme Court. In a landmark decision,
the Supreme Court unanimously ruled in May 1981 that “Equity has the right to
regulate conditions and determine provisions under which agents may represent
Equity members.”
In May 1979, a group of concerned New Yorkers
formed the Committee to Save the Theatres to prevent the proposed demolition of
the Morosco (opened in 1917), Bijou (1917), and Helen Hayes (1911) Theatres for
the construction of the Marriott
Marquis Hotel. The
following February, hundreds of Equity members gathered at a great protest
rally in front of the Helen Hayes Theatre. Equity’s executive director summed up the
struggle: “To demolish these theatres, which are the essential heritage and
vitality of New York, in order to build a hotel whose guests come for that very
vitality is a desperately wasteful and short-sighted plan.” In a last effort to stop the Morosco Theatre’s
destruction, protestors observed its 65th anniversary in February 1982 by presenting
round-the-clock readings in front of the theater of Pulitzer Prize-winning plays
produced there. The attempt failed, and
on 22 March, the Supreme Court lifted the stay of the demolition and the
Morosco was razed as 500 protestors watched,
crying and shouting. Two hundred people,
known as “The Morosco 200”—including many Equity members—refused to leave the
site and were taken away by the police. (The only concession won in all the protests
and negotiations with the builders was to include a new theater, the Marquis,
which opened in 1986, in the design of the hotel. In 1983, the theater formerly known as the
Little Theatre was renamed for Helen Hayes.)
In 1980, after many actors were fired from
the Broadway production of Annie, the League of New York Theatres and
Producers agreed to include a “Just Cause” provision in the standard contract
that required that an actor be given a specific warning and clear reasons
before being terminated with severe penalties established for firings without
just cause. This essentially put an end
to the old practice of the “satisfaction clause” that had felled so many actors
decades earlier.
In a show of actorly solidarity at the dawn of the 21st century,
Actors’ Equity supported the AFTRA-SAG strike against producers of radio and TV
commercials in September 2000. (Because
of peculiarities in the contracts between the two unions and producers of TV
commercials and programs, some ads and shows came under SAG’s jurisdiction and
some under AFTRA’s.) AEA admonished its members
not to cross picket lines to accept work in commercials while the strike
continued. At the same time, the union
began a strenuous campaign to deal with the growing numbers of non-Equity
tours. In 1997, AEA’s Council had voted
to create a department for organizing in the touring arena and after protesting
the non-union tour of The Sound of Music in February 2001 and calling for a national boycott, Actors’
Equity mounted an organizing campaign of the non-Equity Music Man tour
in October. By 2004, Equity saw its
workweeks on the road drop 44% because of non-union tours. During the fall of 2003, Council authorized
$1.6 million for a road campaign to answer the crisis. Targeting such non-Equity tours as Miss Saigon, Oliver!, and Oklahoma!, AEA’s “Save the Road” Campaign’s motto was If It’s Not Equity, It’s Not Broadway.
Toward the effort to unionize tours, the arena that was the impetus for
the formation of Equity in the first place 91 years earlier, AEA and the Society
of Stage Directors and Choreographers agreed to cooperate on issues affecting
both unions, especially the non-Equity road tours and theaters in New York City
and on the road that didn’t sign SSDC contracts. In January 2004, SSDC issued a resolution
stating that it “would stand behind Actors’ Equity that there should be no
non-union tours” and refused to sign contracts for productions that didn’t also
sign Equity contracts. Failing to reach
an agreement with one tour presenter, the production of Aida was cancelled and Equity prohibited its members from working
in any capacity—director, choreographer, production supervisors—with three tour
producers. Because so many union members
defied the prohibition, choosing, the Equity executive director asserted, “to
place their own interests above those of their fellow Actors and the
Association,” the union unhappily took the action in April 2004 of establishing
a hearing committee to assess charges against actors who violated the ban on
working for non-union touring producers, whom the executive director
characterized as wanting “to turn back the clock.” In the 2004 contract negotiations with the
League, the agreement established an Experimental Touring Program that included
provisions for road companies that protected the actors while increasing work
opportunities on the touring arena. In
2005, Big League Theatricals’ Aida became the first national tour using the ETP under the new Production
Contract.
In April 2000, representatives
went on a fact-finding trip to Las Vegas to consider the feasibility of beginning
to organize revues and cabaret productions along the Strip. In June, the Casino Committee was formed to
recommend specifics for a contract that suits the needs of performers and
producers in that kind of venue. By
April 2001, the union had signed the first major contract developed especially
for Las Vegas. Contracts were later
negotiated with theme parks like Disney World and venues like the American Girl
Place.
In 2003, Local 802
of the American Federation of Musicians, the union that represents the artists
who play in Broadway orchestra pits, went on strike against the League of American
Theatres and Producers over the issue of minimum orchestra size
requirements. On 7 March, the musicians
walked out of 18 Broadway shows at 12:01 a.m., but the producers expected to
continue performances using recorded “virtual orchestras.” Both Actors’ Equity and IATSE voted to
support the AFM and refused to cross the musicians’ picket lines. “Our members have made it clear that they do
not wish to perform to virtual orchestras,” declared Equity President Patrick Quinn.
“Our members also believe that live
music is essential on Broadway and that minimums are appropriate and necessary.”
(I’ve published my feelings about the
use of virtual orchestras in musical theater on ROT; see “The Sound of
Muzak,” 16 June 2011.) Equity
members joined Local 802 members on the picket lines as all the musicals on
Broadway except Cabaret (which was on
a different contract because of its location) were closed for the weekend of
7-9 March. (The closure cost theaters an
estimated $4½ million over the
weekend, and another $7 million was lost by hotels, restaurants, and
taxis.) As in past actions, this strike didn’t
lack for theatricality: on 8 March, actors and industry workers staged a mock
funeral for live music in Times Square, carrying a coffin with the message Don’t let producers kill Broadway as
musicians played W. C. Handy’s “Broadway Funeral Dirge.” With the intercession of New York City Mayor
Michael Bloomberg and his appointed mediator on 10 March, the two parties came
to an agreement in the early hours of 11 March.
(Orchestra minimums were reduced but not eliminated.)
The AFM strike had
lasted four days and no productions closed prematurely (though even the
strongest lost hundreds of thousands of box-office dollars), but a Local 802
officer felt that the union solidarity demonstrated during the action was a “historic
achievement.” In 2007, IATSE struck the
League’s Broadway shows, generally over work rules, shuttering 27 productions
between 10 and 28 November, the stagehands’ first such action in its 121-year
history, and AEA stood with them, contributing songs and impromptu concerts on
the street to mollify disappointed ticket-holders.
The 1919 actors’ strike was the largest action Equity has ever undertaken, but it’s not the only important struggle in which it’s engaged. Though the union is most concerned with actors’ and stage managers’ pay and working conditions, AEA has often been at the forefront of significant social issues. In an interview about his history of Equity’s 100 years, theater writer Robert Simonson said, “On a lot of cultural issues [and] a lot of social issues, Equity was ahead of the curve. They were always fighting for the rights of the underserved and the underprivileged.” In the ’30s, he pointed out as an example, the union was fighting for the rights of racial and cultural minorities long before the civil-rights era dawned and the various liberation movements arose. Among the other issues on which Equity has taken stands are support of actors with disabilities (an aspect often of the non-traditional casting effort), a “commitment to human rights for all people” (which translated in 2009 into opposition to California’s anti-gay Proposition 8), strong opposition to union-busting and so-called “right-to-work”—which Equity magazine called “right-to-starve”—laws (translating in 2011 into AEA support for Wisconsin protestors fighting the governor’s “budget repair bill” which stripped public sector workers of collective bargaining rights), and, underlying it all, a fierce support of the First Amendment and the freedom of expression. After three plays were raided on obscenity charges in February 1927, Equity protested the arrest of cast members declaring, “The actor is not responsible for the content of the play . . . [.]” In January 1930, Equity successfully appealed part of the Wales Theatrical Padlock Bill that authorized local New York officials to close theatrical productions and actors were no longer subject to arrest at raided shows. On 23 April 1931, then-Governor Franklin D. Roosevelt of New York signed the Buckley-Post Bill exempting actors, musicians, stagehands, and spectators from arrest during raids on theaters.
In August 1933,
Actors’ Equity protested the ban in Nazi Germany on Jewish actors’ appearing on
the Third Reich’s stages. The union’s
public statement proclaimed: “On principle, the actors of all civilized
countries must voice their objection to a point of view which sets political
opinion and race above talent.” (In
November 1935, Germany passed the infamous Nuremberg Laws, stripping Jews of
German citizenship.) After “Kristallnacht”
in Germany (9-10 November 1938), Equity’s executive secretary issued a statement:
“I desire to register my emphatic protest of the horrors perpetrated by the
Nazi regime in Germany extending over the past five years and culminating in
the unrestrained savagery and brutality of the last two weeks.”
On 4 July 1940,
Equity became directly embroiled in the communist witch-hunts of the House
Committee on Un-American Activities, known as HUAC. Congressman William P. Lambertson
(1880-1967), Republican of Kansas, accused seven union council members of being
communists. The union’s nominating
committee rejected their candidacy even though it felt the charge was
false. Later, the union issued a
statement condemning communism. One of
the accused candidates ran as an independent and was reelected in June 1941;
two council officers and eight members resigned. (In December 1947, HUAC started its infamous
investigation of communism in Hollywood leading to hundreds of actors’ being
blacklisted, many of whom were also Equity stage performers.)
The union redeemed
itself some later, however. In September
1950, the red-baiting magazine Red Channels accused actor Philip Loeb, an Equity officer, of
being a communist. Loeb, a regular on
the television series The Goldbergs starring
Gertrude Berg (1898-1966), denied the charge. The next year, General Foods, sponsor of The
Goldbergs on CBS, announced
that it would drop the program, one of TV’s earliest sitcoms. Several months later, NBC picked up the series,
but without Loeb. In September 1951, Equity
member John Randolph (1915-2004)
found his name was on several lists of alleged communists and communist
sympathizers and he couldn’t work in television anymore. On 28 September 1951, the Equity Council
resolved that blacklisting “is hostile to the fundamental purposes of this
Association, and that Actors’ Equity will act to the fullest of its capacities
in defense of its members.” Despite
Equity’s intercession, Philip Loeb (b. 1891) could only find occasional work
over the next several years and on 1 September 1955, he committed suicide. Although anti-communist demonstrations appeared
in front of the Booth Theatre where John
Randolph was playing in Wooden
Dish thanks to the support of Equity—the play only ran 12 performances in
1955—he was able to keep his stage job though he couldn’t work in films or on
television for many years. In 1984, AEA
established the Philip Loeb Award to recognize members who have contributed
significantly to the union.
In a controversial
and heated issue closely related to the communist witch hunts and the blacklist,
in 1984, the Equity Council authorized a contribution to Vanessa Redgrave’s
lawsuit against the Boston Symphony Orchestra for allegedly terminating her contract
because of her political views in support of Palestinians. The union’s executive director declared, in
defense of the First Amendment and freedom of expression: “A political
statement in and of itself, no matter how inflammatory to some people, should
be protected in the context that an actor cannot be blacklisted.” (Redgrave won the breach of contract argument, but lost
the claim that the orchestra had violated her civil rights by firing her,
principally on the assertion that the BSO is a private organization engaged in
an artistic endeavor and therefore has First Amendment rights itself.)
In 1944, the union
formed a committee to find hotel accommodations for members, especially
minority actors who faced discrimination at segregated hotels. In 1947, Equity helped force the integration
of Washington’s National Theatre when it declared that no union actor would
appear there or at any theater that barred integrated audiences. (In 1943, Paul Robeson, 1898-1976, starring
at the Shubert Theatre in Othello—becoming
the first African-American actor to play the role on Broadway—with Jose Ferrer,
1912-92, and Uta Hagen, 1919-2004, had refused to play in Washington and
Baltimore because the theaters’ audiences were segregated. Later, Ferrer wrote in a letter to Variety that he would no longer appear
in segregated theaters.) The National
closed for five years rather than comply, but in 1952, the theater, until the
opening of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in 1971 the
Capital’s only legitimate theater, reopened under different management and
instituted a non-discrimination policy.
Also in 1952, Equity
formed its Committee on the
Integration of Negro Performers and in 1961, Equity got the League of
New York Theatres to agree that no actor could be required to perform in any
venue that practices discrimination against either artists or patrons on the
basis of race, creed, or color. (This
was later expanded to prohibit discrimination based on gender, sexual
preference, or political belief as well.)
In 1959, the union sponsored the first Integration Showcase on the stage
of Broadway’s Majestic Theatre. The
event was a presentation for casting directors and producers of a selection of
famous scenes using what is now known as non-traditional casting. Equity conceived the concept of “non-traditional
casting” in 1982. Defined as “the casting
of ethnic minorities, females, seniors and disabled actors in roles where race,
ethnicity, gender, age, and the presence of a disability is not absolutely
essential to the development of the play or character,” the practice shortly
became accepted throughout the industry.
The First National Symposium on Non-Traditional Casting was held at New
York City’s Shubert Theatre in November 1986. The program featured 53 actors in 18 scenes performing
non-traditional roles, including James Earl Jones as Big Daddy in Cat on a
Hot Tin Roof (a role he played in
2008 in an all-black Broadway revival).
To examine problems of racial discrimination in theater, film, and
television, Actors’ Equity helped co-found
the Non-Traditional Casting Project in 1986. The Project’s
Artist Files, containing nearly 3,700 pictures and resumes, were created to
increase producers’, directors’, and casting agents’ access to actors of color and
actors with disabilities. (Use of the
files increased 135% between 1991 and 1993.) In
1989, African-American actress and producer Rosetta LeNoire (1911-2002), founder of the
AMAS Repertory Theatre Company, an interracial theater dedicated to
multi-ethnic productions, became
the first recipient of the Equity award that now bears her name, given to those
exemplifying the principles of non-traditional casting. (In 2004, the award went to actress, dancer,
and former Equity Councilor Kitty Lunn, who had become a paraplegic in 1991, in
recognition of her establishment of the Infinity Dance Theatre, a company for
dancers with disabilities and non-disabled dancers beyond the age traditionally
associated with performers.) The NTCP
changed its name to the Alliance for Inclusion in the Arts in 2007.
AIA also concerned
itself with accessibility of disabled theatergoers to performances as well as
casting opportunities for actors with disabilities. In
2011, AIA allied with G-PASS, a service organization that helps make
theater available to people with disabilities, to create the Broadway
Accessibility/Audience Expansion Initiative, designed to give greater access in
the theater to audience members with disabilities. This program offered D-Scriptive, allowing
blind or low-vision audience members detailed descriptions of the action on
stage; I-Caption, an automated system which displays verbatim texts of the
entire show; and ShowTrans, providing foreign language patrons an integrated
translation of the show for the Broadway musical Catch Me If You Can. Earlier that year, Disney’s The Lion King
and Newsies entered into an agreement with the Broadway
Accessibility/Audience Expansion Initiative to expand accessibility for blind
and low-vision patrons.
In 1957, Actors’
Equity announced that it would not sanction union members performing in
theaters in the Union of South Africa (renamed the Republic of South Africa after
1961) while apartheid remained the
national policy. On 15 October 1976, hundreds
of Equity members rallied outside the South African Consulate in New York to
protest the arrests in South Africa of John Kani and Winston Ntshona, Tony
Award-winners in 1975 for Sizwe Banzi is Dead and The Island (written with and directed by Athol Fugard).
The two actors, detained in Umtata (now
Mthatha), capital of the Bantustan republic of Transkei, for participating in a
“vulgar” presentation, were released
after serving 15 days in solitary confinement and all charges against them were
dropped.
In a similar vein,
Equity Councilor Christopher Reeve traveled to Chile in November 1987 to represent
Equity’s support of 77 actors who received death threats after their political
theater had criticized General Augusto Pinochet, the nation’s dictator. (Reeve, world-famous as Superman in the
movies, was left a quadriplegic in a horse-riding accident in 1995, after which
he became an outspoken advocate for people with disabilities. He died at 52 on 10 October 2004.)
In July 1980, The Four
A’s condemned President Ronald Reagan’s proposed cuts to the National Endowment
for the Arts. In September, more than
400,000 people, including Equity members, marched on Washington to protest the reductions.
Three years later, Equity member Jane
Alexander testified before Congress in opposition of the NEA cutbacks,
paraphrasing Shaw’s Saint Joan: “How long, O Government, how long before you
are ready to receive your artists?” (In
1993, President Bill Clinton appointed Alexander chairman of the Endowment. The actress served as chair
of the NEA until 1997.) With
the NEA assailed by conservative critics, actors Kelly McGillis, Sam Waterston,
and Gail Grate represented the union at a congressional hearing on funding for
the Endowment in April 1992. Grate testified,
“The artistic impulse is unique and must not be regulated.”
The AIDS epidemic
affecting so many members of the acting profession, in November 1985, AEA
created and produced The Best of the Best: A Show of Concern, a
fundraising benefit at the Metropolitan Opera House, raising over $1 million
for AIDS research. (That same year, two
plays about the disease opened in New York City: Larry Kramer’s The Normal
Heart and As Is by William Hoffman.)
The Equity Fights AIDS Committee was formed in January 1986 and the
first Equity Fights AIDS Week, in November 1987, raised $73,000 and EFA became
a permanent committee of the union. (In
1992, EFA merged with another theatrical AIDS organization, Broadway Cares, founded
in 1988 by members of The Producers’ Group, to form Broadway Cares/Equity
Fights AIDS, or BC/EFA.)
“Words, actions,
visual portrayals offensive to one may be intriguing, enlightening or artistic
to others,” declared Colleen Dewhurst in January 1986 before United States
Attorney General Edwin Meese’s Commission on Pornography. The Equity actress represented the union at
the request of the National Coalition Against Censorship in another stand
against the encroachment on the First Amendment.
When the horror of
11 September 2001 enveloped New York City and the country, Broadway theaters
went dark for three days. Thirteen shows
were in danger of closing permanently and Equity, along with the other
theatrical unions, approved temporary salary cuts to keep them running. In response to the terror attacks, Broadway
performers toured the country promoting New York City and Broadway theater in
the show New York Loves America: The
Broadway Tour in February 2002. As the
Equity president wrote shortly after the attacks: “If, through our talents, we
can help the nation laugh with, cry over, rejoice in, or reflect upon, we will
truly be acting for the common good.”
Nick Wyman, current President
of Actors’ Equity, and Mary McColl, Executive Director, declared in a joint
statement on 24 May this year: “The lesson our wonderful history has taught us
is that by uniting, we can achieve our common goals: embrace the opportunity to
prove our talent; receive reasonable compensation for our work; and be treated
with dignity and fairness.” Equity received a Special Tony Award, presented by the Broadway League
and the American Theatre Wing at last year’s 66th annual Tony Awards ceremony
on 10 June 2012, in recognition of its Centennial Celebration this spring. (The union had previously been
awarded a special Tony in 1974 for “diligent and tireless effort on behalf of
American actors.”) On 8 May, the City Council of Chicago issued a proclamation
honoring AEA’s Centennial and on 13 May, Illinois Governor Pat Quinn followed
suit. Also on 13 May, Boston’s Elliot
Norton Awards recognized Actors’ Equity “for 100 years of representing and
protecting creative artists both onstage and on social platforms nationwide,
thus nurturing the growth of professional American Theatre.” Other cities and regions chose 2012 and 2013
as an appropriate time to recognize and thank the actors’ union for its work in
behalf of the nation’s professional theater by presenting Equity with special
regional awards like the Helen Hayes in Washington, the “Ivey” Award in the
Twin Cities, and the Column Award in Dallas-Fort Worth. On the anniversary of the founding of the
union, 26 May, New York Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg proclaimed the day “Actors’
Equity Day” in the city.
[Actors’ Equity
planned no official celebration acknowledging the centennial, though 50 years
ago, for its golden anniversary, the city held a month-long assembly of
events. Then-Mayor John Lindsay of New
York City held a reception at Gracie Mansion to kick off the commemoration,
followed the next day by an exhibit of posters and photographs at the New York
Public Library. (The Theatre Collection
was housed at 42nd Street—now named the Stephen A. Schwarzman Building—in 1963,
as the current Library for the Performing Arts hadn’t been built yet. It opened in 1965.) The Museum of the City of New York opened a
special exhibit with Eugene O’Neill manuscripts, Jo Mielziner’s set models, and
costumes worn by Ethel Barrymore, to Equity members. Renowned producer Jean Dalrymple (1902-1998)
presented a special show at the Majestic Theatre with performances by Helen
Hayes (the final scene of Victoria
Regina from 1935), Beatrice Lillie (singing “March With Me” from Charlot’s
Revue of 1924), William Warfield (“I Got Plenty of Nuttin’: from 1935’s Porgy
and Bess), Vivian Blaine and Sam Levene (“Sue Me” from Guys and Dolls
of 1950), David Wayne and John Forsythe (a scene from the 1953 hit The
Teahouse of the August Moon), and Robert Preston (“Trouble” from The
Music Man of 1957). The celebration
culminated with a ball hosted by Actors’ Equity at the Astor Hotel, a Times
Square landmark from 1904 to 1967. (The
building was demolished in 1968.)
Twenty-five years later, New York’s Mayor Ed Koch declared Equity
Week in May 1988 in the city to celebrate the union’s 75th anniversary.
[Robert Simonson was asked to compile an
account of the Actors’ Equity Association’s 100 years and he produced Performance of the Century: 100 Years of Actors’
Equity Association and the Rise of Professional American Theater (Applause
Theatre & Cinema Books, 2012) which has a foreword by Equity President Nick
Wyman. “When you first think of the
idea, a history of a union, it sounds like a pretty dry prospect at the
beginning,” said Simonson; but “there was more than enough drama there. It was
not hard for me to write an interesting story.”]
The U.S. Department of Labor announced on 1 August 2013:
ReplyDelete"Actors' Equity at 100
"The U.S. Department of Labor and Actors' Equity Association, which represents actors and stage managers, have something very special in common: both are commemorating their centennial this year. And since Actors' Equity turned 100, it has earned its rightful place in the department's 'Century of Service Honor Roll of American Labor Organizations.' The special exhibit, located in the lobby of the department's Washington, D.C., headquarters, recognizes labor unions that have reached their 100th anniversary. The exhibit began in 1992 and nearly 50 unions are included in it. During a ceremony held at Washington's famed Arena Stage July 29, Carl Fillichio, chairman of the department's centennial and senior advisor for public affairs and communications, inducted Actors' Equity into the exhibit, and noted: 'Actors' Equity has not just made life and work better for those who hold an Equity card. For the past 100 years, this union has made life and work better for every stage actor and every stage manager in America. And the best is yet to come.'"
~Rick