[“Michael Chekhov, Part 2” picks up right where “Part 1” left off, with the young actor (now 30) at the start of preparing one of his most significant performances at the world-renowned Moscow Art Theater: the role of Khlestakov in Nikolai Gogol’s The Inspector General under the direction of Konstantin Stanislavsky himself.
[Coming up in this
installment will be Chekhov’s most iconic production, the 1924 staging of Hamlet, in which he played the title role.
This part of my profile continues through the actor-director-teacher’s
last years in Russia (now the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic of the
Soviet Union) and his move to Germany, where he’s reunited briefly with his
first wife, Olga Konstantinovna, and his daughter, Ada Tschechowa.
[For those readers who have
just come upon “Michael Chekhov,” I strongly recommend that you go back to 2 November
and read Part 1 first. There are a lot
of Russian words, names of Chekhov acquaintances and colleagues, and other
material that I introduced in the beginning of this profile that will recur in
Parts 2 and 3. You will want to be
familiar with them in order to follow what comes next.]
In 1921, Michael Chekhov also gave what would become one of
his signature performances, Khlestakov in Nikolai Gogol’s The Inspector
General directed by Konstantin Stanislavsky; the production opened on 8 October. The Moscow Art Theater staging of The
Inspector General was a break-through performance for Chekhov. When he’d been with the Suvorin school, he’d
seen well-known actor Boris Glagolin (1879-1948) do the part in 1909 and went
away thinking, “Glagolin played Khlestakov not
like everyone else.” This experience
had been revelatory to him and he affirmed:
When I subsequently came to play
this part, I recognized in myself Glagolin’s influence. When Stanislavsky produced The Government Inspector [a variant of
the play’s English title], he led me in a direction which had something in
common with the impression that Glagolin had made on me as Khlestakov.
“The unusual freedom
and originality of his creativity in this role astonished me,” Chekhov
explained. According to the editors of
the English edition of The Path of the
Actor, his audience in 1921 seemed to feel that same sense of “playing
Khlestakov not like everyone else.”
Though Stanislavsky staged the production, Chekhov, as was
his practice, designed his own make-up, for instance. Drawing on his father’s memorable caricatures
when Chekhov was a boy, the actor made Khlestakov a clownish-looking fop. Each character’s make-up would be immensely
important to Chekhov’s character development, as were the costumes and even the
hand props.
In the “Afterword” to Path,
editor Bella Merlin wrote:
Chekhov’s imaginative link to a
character lies not only in the images that emerge in his head or the sensations
that are conjured up by sound, but also in the actual props and costumes: he is
one hundred per cent psycho-physical! As
he describes his boyhood in Life and
Encounters:
I collected clothes from the whole
house: father’s jackets, nanny’s skirts and coats, gentlemen’s and ladies’
hats, umbrellas, galoshes—everything I could find, and started to improvise
without any pre-conceived plan or aim.
In another quotation from the same source, Mel Gordon reports:
“I took the first piece of clothing I came across, put it on and felt: who I am. The improvisations were serious or comic,
depending on the costume.
This memory exactly describes one of the exercises that was later
part of the Michael Chekhov actor-training program. (I have a description of my own of the
exercise in my post “Creative Dramatics: Games,” 12 September 2009, under the
heading “Instant Character.”)
MAT theatergoers were “stunned by Chekhov’s ability to wed
the sick and pathological with the flippant,” Mel Gordon recounts. “On opening night, a shocked Vakhtanghov whispers
to Stanislavsky, ‘Can this be the same man we see in our Studio every morning?’”
Vasilii Toporkov (1899-1970), a fellow
MAT actor of Chekhov’s, reported that viewers who came to see the play “time
after time” were “amazed” at Chekohov’s “unexpected improvisations, with the
subtle nuances he gave to the typical traits of Gogol’s hero.”
(This production, as directed by Chekhov, came to New York
City as Revisor, its Russian
title, in February and March 1935 with Chekhov reprising his role as the
impostor on Broadway in repertory with six other MAT plays. It was Chekhov’s U.S. début; the Moscow Art
Players’ rep toured to Philadelphia and Boston in April.)
In 1914, while at the First Studio, Chekhov met fellow
student and Olga Knipper-Chekhova’s niece, Olga Konstantinovna Knipper, the
daughter of his aunt’s elder brother, Konstsantin Leonardovich. They married in April that same year and had
one daughter, Olga Mikhailovna, born in September 1916. (It was she who later took the name Ada
Tschechowa and had a career in German films.)
Three years later, Olga Konstantinovna divorced Mikhail but kept his
name; she eventually emigrated with her daughter to Berlin in 1920, where she
had a successful career in the German cinema.
The Bolshevik Revolution of October 1917 pretty much came
and went as far as Chekhov was concerned; in his art, he was never particularly
political like his contemporaries Meyerhold (1874-1940), Mikhail Bulgakov (1891-1940),
or Vladimir Mayakovsky (1893-1930), among other prominent theater artists. He largely ignored the new regime and simply
pursued his theatrical work, but nevertheless was attacked by the Bolsheviks
for joining the Russian Anthroposophical Society in 1919.
On the other hand, Chekhov was suffering a series of
emotional blows at the same time. By
1919, his favorite teacher, Sulerzhitsky, had died; his wife had divorced him
and taken their daughter to live in Germany; his cousin Volodya (Vladimir
Ivanovich, 1894-1917), the son of Ivan Pavlovich Chekhov, committed suicide
with Mikhail’s pistol; and his mother died of tuberculosis. By the spring of 1918, he’d become acutely
paranoiac and began suffering hallucinations.
All of 28, Chekhov was spiraling into a depression with suicidal
thoughts. He required psychiatry and
hypnosis, and he turned to Eastern philosophy for comfort.
In spring 1919, looking for solace, Chekhov started reading
books on Hindu philosophy and yoga. He
reached out to Anthroposophy for help in sorting out his confused feelings and
thoughts. Chekhov’s encounter with the
ideas of Steiner was happenstance. He
recounts that he was passing by a bookstore and spotted Steiner’s Knowledge of the Higher Worlds, and its Attainment (first published in
German as Wie Erlangt Man Erkenntnisse der Höheren Welten?)
The Russian translation of Steiner’s book was published for the
first time in 1911 with a different title; it was first published under the
title which Chekhov used in 1918, suggesting that he didn’t read Steiner’s book
before that year. (One source puts the
year at 1922, but if Chekhov joined the Anthroposophical Society in 1919, this
would be too late.)
Chekhov said that Steiner’s name didn’t mean anything to
him, even though Stanislavsky, his teacher at the time, had made passing
mention of the Austrian founder of Anthroposophy one time in discussing
Steiner’s theories on speech. Chekhov
had known nothing else about Steiner, but he bought the book, with some
skepticism, read it, and put it aside.
The young actor had had some familiarity with Theosophy, out
of which Steiner derived Anthroposophy, from his yoga studies and he knew some
members of the Theosophical Society, founded in 1875 in New York City by Helena
Blavatsky (1831-91), a Russian occultist, philosopher, and author. In his quest for religious and philosophical
meaning for his life and his art, he read a great deal of theosophical
literature.
I’m not going to delve deeply into either Blavatsky’s
Theosophy or Steiner’s Anthroposophy; both are discussed in “Rudolf Steiner,
Spiritual Scientist,” my profile of Steiner on ROT. I’ll observe that Theosophy, from the Greek for ‘divine
wisdom,’ stresses mysticism and esotericism, which is a philosophical doctrine
that can only be understood by or is meant for a select few who have special
knowledge or interest. The Theosophical
Society promotes the notion that the nature of God and the world can be
understood through direct knowledge, philosophical speculation, or a physical
process and emphasizes the study of Asian philosophies and theologies,
especially those of India. It was this
last tenet, what he labeled “its extreme orientalism,” that put Chekhov
off.
He remembered Steiner’s book and reread it. “This time it was the tone that the author
used when speaking about the processes and Beings of the spiritual world which
made a particular impression on me,” the actor wrote.
There were no ‘secrets’,
‘mysticism’, or the desire to impress in his descriptions of that world. The author’s simple, lucid, scientific style
made the facts that he presented simple and lucid too. Whatever was beyond the reach of sense
perception was made accessible to reason.
Chekhov embarked on a close reading of as many of Steiner’s
books as he could obtain. He found in “spiritual
science,” as the esotericist labeled it, “answers to the questions that
preoccupied me at the time.” In 1921,
with the guidance of Andrei Bely (1880-1934), a Russian novelist, poet,
theorist, and literary critic, in a stage adaptation of whose symbolist novel Petersburg Chekhov appeared at the
Second Moscow Art Theater in 1925, the actor started to study Anthroposophy in
earnest.
Anthroposophy, a
name formed from the Greek anthropos, meaning ‘man,’ and sophia,
meaning ‘wisdom’ or ‘learning,’ means ‘human knowledge.’ Steiner said the term should be understood to
mean “awareness of one’s humanity.” The
religio-philosophical system Steiner founded focuses on the spiritual aspect of
life and human nature and his new society was aimed at founding “new methods of
spiritual research on a scientific basis.”
Steiner saw Anthroposophy as “the inwardly strengthened and practiced
state of consciousness, by which man can experience himself as citizen of a
spiritual world.” He later capsulized
this concept as “my consciousness of being Man.”
A fundamental tenet of Anthroposophy is the application of
the methodology of science to the study and analysis of the spiritual life of
humans. Steiner was attempting to
synthesize the arts, science, and spirituality.
As a result, when Chekhov developed his own acting technique in response
to Stanislavsky’s System, it had a spiritual or metaphysical—even mystical component
to compliment the historical, emotional, and psychological work Stanislavskian
actors practiced.
In January and February 1919, Chekhov wrote a pair of
articles for the journal Gorn (Горн – The Bugle; sources also say the publication was Hearth or Work), an organ of Proletkult, an experimental Soviet artistic
institution from 1917 to 1920, called “On Stanislavsky’s System” [the English
translation of the title varies; “О системе Станиславского” – O sistemye Stanislavskogo] although he
was explicitly forbidden by Stanislavsky to do so. (The master himself had not even published
his principles yet. An Actor Prepares, the abridged English version of Stanislavsky’s
first book on his actor-training system, appeared in the U.S. in 1933; An Actor’s Work on Himself [Работа актёра над собой – Rabota aktyora nad
soboi], the first Russian edition, was released in 1938. In 2008, a new English translation of the
entire work was published as An Actor’s
Work.)
Chekhov also taught at the Proletcult Theatre, the
theatrical branch of the Soviet cultural organization, and that spring, he
opened the Mikhail Chekhov Studio in Moscow.
Chekhov remained director of his own studio until 1922, when he left to
devote himself to the work at the MAT.
In this first experience of teaching acting, Chekhov largely
taught the Stanislavsky System; it would be the last time he’d base his
teaching on his old master’s theories and practices. His studies of Anthroposophy had already
begun to influence his theories of acting and he would discover more
applications, particularly Steiner’s ideas on speech, movement, gesture, and
Eurythmy, which would guide Chekhov further away from the Stanislavsky
principles he’d originally learned at the First Studio.
Vakhtangov, head of the First Studio, died in May 1922,
succeeded by Boris Sushkevich. Chekhov
had traveled to Stuttgart, Germany, to hear Steiner lecture on Eurythmy
(sometimes spelled ‘Eurhythmy’), “the science of visible speech” which makes
perceptible what Steiner asserted were the internal expressions and gestures of
language and music, generated when the spiritual world penetrates the soul. This concept found its way into Chekhov’s
workshops. Chekhov returned to the
Soviet Union that winter.
In October 1923, Chekhov began rehearsals for his now-famous
expressionistic Hamlet in which he
played the title role under the co-direction of Vladimir Tatarinov (1879-1966), Valentin
Smyshlyaev (1891-1936), and Aleksandr Cheban (1886-1954). Chekhov demanded “a new technique for acting”
for this Hamlet, aiming for a
“spiritual logic.” On the first day of
rehearsals, Chekhov said to the First Studio actors, “I can only say if the
System of K. S. Stanislavsky is high school, then these exercises are
university.”
By spring 1924, the theater artist’s mental and physical
state had improved markedly. According
to U.S. theater critic Oliver Sayler (1887-1958), Chekhov had weathered the
crisis and come out the other side “dignified, mature and ambitious.” The MAT was reorganized and the First Studio
became the Second Moscow Art Theater with Chekhov as its artistic director.
The production of Hamlet,
Chekhov’s maiden outing as MAT 2’s artistic director, opened after over a year of
work at MAT 2 on 20 November 1924. Gordon,
who also taught at the Michael Chekhov Acting Studio in New York City, labels
MAT 2’s Hamlet, which would arguably
become Chekhov’s most famous and iconic production, as ”mystical,” and asserts:
Set in an “invisible world” of
absolutes, many spectators perceive it as a parable about Mikhail Chekhov
himself in the world of Soviet society.
Alma H. Law, an expert on Soviet theater and translator of
many works by Soviet playwrights, reports in her reconstruction of Chekhov’s Hamlet that the production “represented
a complete break with the traditional Russian interpretations of Hamlet as a
spineless, superfluous man.”
Chekhov’s Hamlet was restless, a
man of action led to an examination of the fundamental question of good and
evil. Although there were many protests
from those looking for a more familiar image of the Renaissance hero, Chekhov’s
Hamlet spoke directly to an audience that had, like Chekhov, lived through
revolution and civil war.
Though there were three MAT directors assigned to the
production, Law writes that “there is little question that the production was
almost wholly Chekhov’s.” “I managed to
realize in it some of my cherished theatrical dreams,” the new MAT 2 leader
affirmed. He trimmed the traditional five
acts to three acts comprised of 14 scenes, making large cuts in the
script—based principally on the 1844 Russian translation by Andrei Kroneberg
(1814-55) with insertions from earlier renderings by Pyotr Gnedich (1855-1926; Hamlet, 1891), a writer, poet, dramatist,
and translator, and Nikolai Polevoi (1796-1846; Hamlet, 1838), a critic, journalist, and historian—largely in
Hamlet’s soliloquies and other dialogue.
Chekhov cut the cast down and, as Law observed, deleted anything that he
felt “slowed the headlong course of the tragedy.”
The MAT 2 artistic director focused his staging on the
personal life of the title character. Co-director
Smyshlyaev felt that Chekhov saw the play as a conflict between Hamlet,
“protesting, heroic, . . . fighting for the affirmation of what makes up the
essence of his life,” and Claudius (played by Aleksandr Cheban in Kabuki kumadori-like make-up), “conservative,
obstructing all that is holy and heroic, . . . trying to hold back everything
that is striving forward.” Law, however,
says that Chekhov’s interpretation went further, incorporating his
anthroposophical beliefs in the production, employing many of Steiner’s
movement and speech techniques in the actors’ performances.
Law sees Chekhov’s interpretation of the play, as revealed
in his rehearsal notes and other writings, as a reflection of the actor’s
“anthroposophical concept of Hamlet
as a spiritual battle taking place in the soul of man, ‘the visible embodiment
of the victory of the spirit of light over the spirit of darkness.’” The characters of the play were separated
into two camps: those supporting Hamlet—the soldiers and guards (represented by
Horatio, the Players, and Ophelia)—costumed in white (except Chekhov, who wore
black “with leather appliqués suggesting armor,” and those supporting
Claudius—the courtiers, led by Polonius—in black.
The production, as described act by act “based on available
material” in Law’s “Chekhov’s Russian Hamlet (1924)” (Drama Review, Fall 1983) with additional (and
sometimes conflicting) details provided in The
Routledge Companion to Michael Chekhov, was characterized by one critic as
an “expressionistic tragedy.” It was
highly stylized from the set (which evoked a Gothic cathedral—the production
was set in the Middle Ages—dominated by two stained-glass windows), to the
costumes and make-up, to the music and lighting (creating a “mystical
atmosphere”), to the acting and movement.
Law describes it as “almost nightmarishly phantasmagorical.”
The reception was very mixed. Chekhov’s theater colleagues (with the
notable exception of Stanislavsky) greeted the interpretation with enthusiasm. Many others, according to Law, criticized it
for “its eclecticism” and others simply didn’t understand it. On the other hand, the poet and novelist
Andrei Bely, who was a symbolist and a follower of Steiner’s Anthroposophy,
wrote in a long, detailed letter to his younger friend, “Tonight for the first
time I understood Shakespeare’s Hamlet . . . .
I didn’t see Chekhov, ‘the great actor,’ I saw Hamlet, and forgot about
Chekhov.” Chekhov’s mentor and former
teacher, the great Stanislavsky, was in the middle: he objected to the
production’s “eclectic and anti-realistic form” and “grotesquely-symbolic
interpretation,” but praised his former pupil for his “image of tragic and
nervous force.”
Even the critics of the production as a whole, though,
praised Chekhov’s performance. One
significant exception to this reception were the far-left (that is, Bolshevik)
critics, who objected to the actor’s “neurotic and unwholesome mysticism.”
In May 1922, Vladimir Lenin, the Chairman of the Council of
People’s Commissars, the head of the government of the new Russian Soviet
Federated Socialist Republic, had a series of strokes that incapacitated him,
and Joseph Stalin took over as General Secretary of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union (a newly established post as head of what was now the USSR). Lenin, born Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov in 1870,
died on 21 January 1924 as a result of the strokes. Stalin, born Ioseb Besarionis dze Jughashvili
in Gori, Georgia, in 1878, ran the Soviet Union until his death in 1953.
Under the ultra-conservative leadership of Stalin, the
Soviet arts, including the theater, came under the rigid control of the People’s
Commissariat for Education (or Narkompros).
The Proletkult, the revolutionary organization that promoted innovation
in the arts, was absorbed into Narkompros in 1921, and the period of seemingly
boundless artistic experimentation that had begun at the turn of the 20th
century and continued into the new regime, came to an abrupt end, eventually
leading to one approved artistic style that was known as Socialist
Realism. Artists and organizations that
defied the strictures imposed by Stalin’s Narkompros were censored, closed,
imprisoned, or worse.
The disapproval voiced, often in stinging terms, by the
critics of Chekhov’s work—generally assumed to be speaking with the tongue of
the government—quickly impressed the newly installed artistic director of MAT 2
that his days of free expression in the Soviet Union were numbered.
Circumstances were compelling me
to renounce my views with ever increasing urgency. Resistance was becoming futile. My activity as an actor, director and head of
the theatre gradually came to an end by itself.
It was potentially dangerous even for members of our theatre to communicate
with me.
In September 1925, the Vechernyaya
Gazeta [Вечерняя Газета – Evening
gazette] ran an attack by theater critic Emmanuil Beskin on the MAT 2 for
“morbid mysticism.” By the next year,
open conflict divided the members of the company and Chekhov was again attacked
in the press. In December, the
journal Krasnaya Gazeta [Красная
Газета – Red gazette] asserted that the troupe was coming apart and that it
would be coming under the scrutiny of Narkompros.
In early 1927, the government-controlled press was reporting
on continuing strife within MAT 2. The
stories specifically assailed Chekhov’s inculcation of Anthroposophy in his
work. The journal Novyi Zritel’ [Новый Зритель –
New spectator] printed an attack on Chekhov by a member of MAT 2, further
dividing the troupe into those who supported the artistic director and those
who opposed him. In May, seven MAT 2
dissenters were dismissed from the company and Narkompros appointed a
collective to lead the company.
In January 1928, Chekhov’s autobiography, The Path of the Actor (Путь актёра – Put’ aktyora) was
published. Largely focused on his
professional life and the experiences that led to his artistic revelations, it
soon became an unexpected bestseller. (First
translated into English as To the Actor
in an abridged version in 1953, a fuller translation was released in 2005 under
the original title. This edition also
includes excerpts from Life and
Encounters [Жизнь и встречи – Zhizn’
i vstrechi], originally published in 1944-45 but never released in a
complete English edition.)
Word reached Chekhov that an arrest warrant would soon be
issued for him by the GPU, the State Political Directorate [Государственное
Политическое Управление – Gosudarstvennoe Politicheskoe Upravlenie], the
predecessor of the KGB. The membership was
still divided and a difficult meeting occurred in March 1928. A few days later, Chekhov announced that he
was leaving MAT 2.
Chekhov decided to take his Hamlet abroad (his performance
of the role, not the entire production) and after receiving an invitation from
Max Reinhardt (1873-1943), the internationally renowned Austrian stage
impresario and director, to come to Berlin, he surprisingly got permission from
Narkompros for him and Ksenia to travel outside of the USSR ostensibly for
medical treatment abroad.
Chekhov and his wife left Moscow in July and stayed for a
while in Bavaria at the home of an associate of Rudolf Steiner. The Chekhovs went to Berlin, where Mikhail
met with Stanislavsky and, in September, signed a contract with Reinhardt. The Hamlet idea was tabled, against Chekhov’s
desires, and the actor was essentially cowed into accepting frivolous
entertainments like cabaret work. In November,
Reinhardt invited the actor to stay with him in Salzburg, Austria, to talk over
future work.
In Moscow, the MAT held a celebration for its 30th
anniversary on 29 October 1928,
Stanislavsky had a massive heart attack on stage, but he finished the
performance before calling for medical help.
He survived the attack but it put an end to the master’s acting
career—though he continued to teach and write for his remaining years.
An unsuccessful approach to Narkompros to negotiate his
return to Moscow if he could be in charge of a theater devoted to classic plays
rather than Soviet propaganda offerings clinched Chekhov’s decision. He resolved to remain abroad and immediately
began learning German, quickly becoming fluent.
This also began a period of wandering for the Russian theater artist
that lasted until 1934, bringing his talents and acting techniques all around
Europe to Berlin; Vienna; Paris; Riga, Latvia; and Kaunas, Lithuania.
In Vienna between November and December 1928, Chekhov appeared
as Skid, a tragic music hall comic, in Artisten
[Artists], the German translation of George Watters and Arthur Hopkins’s 1927 Broadway
musical Burlesque. Staged at the Theater an der Wien in an arena
configuration like a circus by Max
Reinhardt, it was Chekhov’s first German-language production.
Working with a language coach—who not only corrected
Chekhov’s German pronunciation but gave him line readings (“Listen here, my
dear Chekhov, that absolutely must be pronounced like this”)—Chekhov played the
role, one of the two lead characters, 28 times in Vienna after the show had
opened in Berlin in June (with émigré Russian actor, another MAT alumnus and
student of Stanislavsky, as Skid: Vladimir Sokoloff, 1889-1962, who eventually
came to the United States and had a long, successful career in Hollywood).
Immediately following Artisten,
Chekhov appeared in two more Reinhardt productions. (For many of Chekhov’s appearances on stage
and film in Germany and Austria, his name was listed in its German
transliteration, Tschechow.) In April
1929, he played the title role in Heinz Hilpert’s German staging of Osip
Dymov’s grotesque Yiddish comedy, Jusik
[Yoshke muzikant – Yoshke the
musician] on the Kammerspiele stage of the Deutsches Theater in Berlin. On the
Deutsches Theater’s main stage, Chekhov performed his best-known role in
Reinhardt’s theater, Prinz Orloff in Fritz von Unruh’s expressionistic comedy Phaea, a montage of social criticism, the
perception of women, psychoanalysis, and the film industry. His role in the production, which ran in June
and August 1930, was a Russian émigré singer in Berlin who had been reduced to working
as an extra in a movie crowd scene.
What appears to have been the Russian actor’s first German film
role was the silent Der Narr seiner Liebe
[A Fool through love; the English title varies] in the spring of 1929 (released
in August). Ironically, it was directed
by his former wife, Olga Tschechowa, by then a well-known actress in
Germany. Chekhov played the title role, Didier
Mireuil, called Poliche (the title of the French play by Henry Bataille on
which the German movie was based), a light-hearted fellow in love with a
beautiful woman. He does everything he
can to please her but she doesn’t love him, and returns to her former love, a
charming flyer whom she finds she still loves.
He proposes to her, but one day, she discovers that the funny little
Poliche is just a mask behind which hides a serious Didier. She tries to make amends and win him back but
the rift she created is too large.
Chekhov acted in only two more German movies, Phantome des glücks [Phantoms of
happiness; released in January 1930) and Troika
(released in April 1930; Olga Tschechowa appeared in the cast, too). These are considered “talkies,” though in
reality, they were both made without sound, which was later dubbed in after
shooting—mostly in the form of recorded songs—with only a few scenes with
spoken dialogue while the rest of the film was silent.
[Thank you for reading the
first two installments of my profile of Michael Chekhov, one of the most seminal
figures in modern Western theater. I
hope you’ll all come back for Part 3, which will be posted on 8 November, and the
conclusion of this biographical sketch of the innovative Russian actor, director,
and teacher. I’ll be starting with Chekhov’s
career in Germany, France, and the Baltics, and ending with his moves to
England and, finally, the United States.]
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